LinkedPrime
Jobs

News from November 13, 2025

822 articles found

‘I didn’t sign up for this’: Facial detecting ads near Toronto’s Union Station raise concerns
Technology

‘I didn’t sign up for this’: Facial detecting ads near Toronto’s Union Station raise concerns

New billboards near Toronto’s Union Station are raising concern among some commuters over their facial detection software. The controversy erupted after a Reddit post on Nov. 2 highlighted the billboards’ use of facial detection technology to track and analyze data of passersby, including their age and gender. The post, which has now gone viral across many social media platforms, included a photo of the disclaimer as well as a billboard of a taco advertisement, outside of Union Station’s bus terminal, with a camera highlighted in the top left corner. “I didn’t sign up for this, I didn’t know there was a camera there,” James Davis, a Toronto commuter, told Global News. Cineplex Digital Media (CDM), which owns the billboards, said the technology only detects the presence of a face and estimates age and sex. CDM added in a release that no images or personal data are stored, and all processing happens within milliseconds. Cineplex issued a release about completing a sale of its digital media division, Cineplex Digital Media, to U.S.-based Creative Realities Inc. on Nov. 7, just days after the post about the Union Station billboard went viral. It’s not yet clear how the change in ownership could affect oversight or privacy compliance for Canadians recorded by the system. However, concerns persist over how such technology is being deployed in public spaces. Privacy experts cited in a release that the technology’s safeguards rely heavily on corporate assurances. “The justification for the technology is that no personally identifiable information is being stored,” said Charles Finlay, founding executive director of the Rogers Cybersecure Catalyst at Toronto Metropolitan University. “We have to trust the private company that that is what is happening and not something else, which is a leap of faith in terms of technology and privacy that many people may frankly not be willing to take.” Several Reddit users also voiced frustration, questioning the lack of consent. “They film you before you even have a chance to read that fine print, I would say a small piece of tape is fair game,” a Reddit user by the name of @Belzebutt said. “This is one of the entrances to a public bus station. It’s not like it’s optional,” Reddit user @Raccoolz added. Privacy concerns around biometric data collection are not new. In 2020, an investigation by federal, Alberta and B.C. privacy commissioners found Cadillac Fairview used facial recognition in mall kiosks to analyze the images of five million shoppers without meaningful consent. The investigation prompted calls for stricter guidelines and explicit permission before capturing such data. While companies like CDM say their technology is anonymous and compliant, mixed reactions from the public warn that a lack of clear consent and transparency could blur the line between convenience and surveillance. Finlay said these are “legitimate concerns in people’s minds about what is being captured by these cameras.”

Prisha Dev
Kody Brown Tears Up Over Wife Robyn Brown’s Message on Special Forces
Technology

Kody Brown Tears Up Over Wife Robyn Brown’s Message on Special Forces

Kody Brown got a special note from a loved one. As the Sister Wives star continues to push himself beyond his limits on season four Special Forces: World’s Toughest Test, he’s had wife Robyn Brown and their kids Dayton, 25, Aurora, 23, Breanna, 21, Solomon, 14, and Ariella, 9, cheering him on from afar. And in E! News’ exclusive look at the Nov. 13 episode of the Fox series, Kody is about to catch a glimpse at her support—causing hm to get emotional. "Hi handsome," Robyn, 47, begins in a video message to Kody. "I'm sure you're charming everyone and making friends and just impressing everyone with what you can pull off and what you can do." She continues, "Please know the kids and I are praying for you every day and sending you light and love." As for how her message boosts him as he and remaining contestants Brianna "Chickenfry" LaPaglia, Gia Giudice, Randall Cobb, Shawn Johnson East and Andrew East strive to see who will be the last recruits standing, that remains to be seen.

Robyn Brown
Narek Mkrtchyan attended a Veterans Day event hosted at the Mar-a-Lago residence of U.S. President Donald Trump
Politics

Narek Mkrtchyan attended a Veterans Day event hosted at the Mar-a-Lago residence of U.S. President Donald Trump

Embassy of Armenia to the United States’s Post Ambassador Narek Mkrtchyan attended a Veterans Day event hosted at the Mar-a-Lago residence of U.S. President Donald Trump. The event gathered high-ranking officials from multiple U.S. government agencies, along with public figures, veterans, and celebrities. During the ceremony, the U.S. Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association presented awards to heads of federal agencies and veterans. The ambassador engaged with a number of officials, including: • U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, • U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Director Todd Lyons, • U.S. Border Czar Tom Homan, • U.S. Secret Service Director Sean Curran. During the gala evening, Ambassador Mkrtchyan also had brief exchanges with Patrick Bet-David, an American entrepreneur of Armenian descent and CEO of Valuetainment, as well as Tyrus, Fox News commentator and host.

Առավոտ
EAFJD Statement on the Armenia Prayer Breakfast
Politics

EAFJD Statement on the Armenia Prayer Breakfast

Brussels, November 13, 2025 — The European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy (EAFJD) expresses its deep concern and indignation regarding the upcoming Armenia Prayer Breakfast, scheduled for November 14–15, 2025, with the support and participation of the Armenian Prime Minister. While the promotion of interfaith dialogue is an essential and respected element of Armenian spiritual heritage, the EAFJD regrets that this event appears to constitute yet another instance in which the current Armenian authorities instrumentalize religious traditions for political purposes. Such actions risk undermining the genuine spiritual and reconciliatory intent that prayer gatherings are meant to embody. The initiative appears designed to distract from the government’s ongoing anti-democratic actions and its systematic campaign of pressure against the Armenian Apostolic Church — the spiritual cornerstone of the Armenian nation — and to lend legitimacy and credence to its increasingly authoritarian policies and steps. The EAFJD is particularly troubled by the broader context in which this event is being organized — a context marked by increasing governmental interference in religious affairs and mounting pressure against the Armenian Apostolic Church. This campaign is evidenced by the politically motivated persecution and imprisonment of senior Church officials and their supporters, including: Archbishop Mikael Ajapahyan, Prelate of the Shirak diocese, a prominent clergyman of the Armenian Apostolic Church, sentenced to two years in prison on charges of “calls to overthrow constitutional order,” widely regarded by his defense and the Church as politically motivated; Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, former Prelate of the Tavush diocese, leader of the opposition “Sacred Struggle” movement, in pre-trial detention since June 2025 along with over a dozen of his supporters, charged with allegedly plotting a coup d’etat to overthrow the government; Bishop Mkrtich Proshyan, Prelate of the Aragatsotn diocese, arrested in October and currently in pre-trial detention on charges of allegedly “coercing citizens into taking part in public gatherings” in 2021; Philanthropist Samvel Karapetyan, held in pre-trial detention since June 2025, on politically motivated charges following his public statement defending the Church in the face of government attacks. The EAFJD calls upon all European clergy and dignitaries invited to the Armenia Prayer Breakfast to approach their participation with due awareness of these serious concerns. Engagement with such events should not be interpreted as tacit endorsement of the government’s narrative or as indifference to the ongoing erosion of democratic standards and religious freedom in Armenia. Instead, their visit should serve as an opportunity to demonstrate a genuine commitment to democracy, human rights, and freedom of religion in Armenia. Should European representatives nonetheless choose to attend, the EAFJD urges them to: Publicly reaffirm their commitment to democracy, human rights, and freedom of religion; Publicly denounce the persecution and intimidation directed at the Armenian Apostolic Church and its clergy; Seek meetings with the detained and imprisoned high-ranking clergy and political prisoners, including Samvel Karapetyan, to assess their conditions and the nature of the charges against them; Visit the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin and meet with His Holiness Garegin II, Catholicos of All Armenians, to hear firsthand the Church’s perspective on the current state of religious freedom and Church–state relations in Armenia. The EAFJD reiterates that genuine partnership and solidarity with the Republic of Armenia must rest upon the shared values of justice, democracy, fundamental freedoms, including freedom of conscience — not on participation in initiatives that risk providing political cover for repression or inadvertently legitimizing the government’s narrative and its growing authoritarian tendencies. European Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy

Առավոտ
ABDOULIE MANNEH TO COVENTRY?
Sports

ABDOULIE MANNEH TO COVENTRY?

Abdoulie Manneh could be on his way out of Mjällby AIF this winter, with Coventry City emerging as the frontrunner to sign him, according to FotbollDirekt. The 21-year-old Gambian has been one of Mjällby’s standout performers this season, tallying 7 goals and 4 assists in 28 matches. Earlier this summer, he was linked with a move to Olympiakos, but the transfer ultimately fell through. Other English clubs such as Bournemouth and Stoke have also shown interest, but Coventry currently appears to be leading the chase. Negotiations are expected to kick off next week. Manneh remains under contract with Mjällby until 2027. This is definitely a transfer story to watch. Yahoo sports

Abubacarr
Minister Badjie commends STAR-UP Foundation for grassroots football development
Sports

Minister Badjie commends STAR-UP Foundation for grassroots football development

The minister of youth and sports, Bakary Y. Badjie, has expressed appreciation to the STAR-UP Foundation of the Canary Islands, Spain, for its continuous support to grassroots sports development in The Gambia. Speaking during a presentation ceremony held at the Gambia Fire and Rescue Services in Bakau, Minister Badjie welcomed the Foundation’s president, Madam Sonia Arup, and her delegation, describing them as “true friends of The Gambia.” The presentation, part of STAR-UP’s ongoing humanitarian initiative, included sports equipment and football kits brought for five community football teams across the country, among them the Brerewuleng Female Football Team. Minister Badjie noted that the donation reflects the Foundation’s growing commitment to supporting sports and youth empowerment in The Gambia. “The government of The Gambia, through my ministry, wishes to express deep appreciation to the STAR-UP Foundation under the leadership and presidency of Madam Sonia for consistently supporting The Gambia — not just the Fire Service but other areas as well,” he said. “Your previous presentation at the State House, and now again within less than a year, demonstrate your commitment to improving lives and supporting communities across the country, including sports — which is a great joy to my ministry,” the minister said. Madam Sonia Arup, president of the STAR-UP Foundation, highlighted her passion for sports and football in particular, sharing that she was the first female vice pesident of a football federation in the Canary Islands and the third in Spain. She noted that the Foundation’s mission is to promote solidarity, love and dedication through community-centered projects, and that sports remain a vital tool for development and youth inclusion. “The STAR-UP Foundation, based in the Canary Islands, has been active in The Gambia since 2024, delivering containers of donated materials valued at over 3.5 million euros to various communities and institutions.

Abubacarr
World

Brazil: Cop26 in perspective

Q&A: what are the main issues at Cop30 and why do they matter?Cop30 is the 30th conference of the parties under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the treaty signed in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro that binds the world to “avoid dangerous climate change”, without specifying how to do so. This year, Cop returns to its roots in Brazil for the first time in the Amazonian city of Belém. The Brazilian hosts have a packed agenda, with 145 separate items on it, and decided to begin early, with a preliminary event called the Belém Climate Summit. World leaders were invited to this two-day event, held on Thursday 6 and Friday 7 November in Belém, to try to encourage their negotiating teams to shed entrenched positions and take bold actions at Cop itself. Q: What are NDC pledges and why have countries missed their deadlines?A: This year’s Cop comes at a key point in the cycle of the 2015 Paris agreement, which fleshes out the “how” of the UNFCCC by requiring every country to come up with a national plan on greenhouse gas emissions. Called nationally determined contributions (NDCs), these plans must be revised every five years. Two cycles of NDCs – the first at Paris, the second compiled in 2021 at the Cop26 summit in Glasgow (which was delayed from 2020 by the Covid pandemic) – have now passed. In the first, nations put forward targets, mostly pegged to 2025, which would have allowed temperatures to rise by more than 3C above preindustrial levels, far beyond the 1.5C that was the more stringent of the two targets in the Paris treaty. By Cop26, countries were doing slightly better – their NDCs would have caused temperature rises of roughly 2.8C. Using the “ratchet” mechanism in the Paris agreement, which allows for the tightening of NDCs, countries were encouraged to come back to future Cops with more stringent plans. However, only a handful have ever done so outside the five-year cycle. This year’s crop of NDCs were supposed to be the ones to align with 1.5C, because scientists have warned repeatedly that emissions need to drop rapidly in the 2020s to stay within the crucial limit. The deadline for NDCs, according to the Paris provisions, should have been February. But few countries made it, and the UN made it known that the organisers would be happy if the plans were delivered before Cop30 instead. By the start of Cop30, most of the major countries had submitted their NDCs. But the picture was still grim. According to the UN, the assessed plans would cut greenhouse gas emissions by about 10% by 2035 – nowhere near the 60% cuts needed by that date, to have a reasonable chance of staying within 1.5C. These NDCs would result in temperature rises of about 2.5C, if all the targets within them are fulfilled, or 2.8C if only those targets that have clear policy measures attached to them are counted. The task for Brazil, as Cop president, is to map out a clear pathway from Cop30 to the emissions cuts needed for a 1.5C world, showing how these inadequate NDCs can be bolstered by real-world actions that will substitute clean energy for fossil fuels. Q: Can the world stay within 1.5C?A: The Paris agreement, signed 10 years ago, bound countries to limit temperatures to “well below” 2C above pre-industrial levels, while “pursuing efforts” to stay within a 1.5C increase. Subsequent scientific advice from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change established that 2C was far more dangerous than 1.5C, and so at Cop26 and other meetings since countries have reaffirmed that the more stringent 1.5C target should be their main goal. This now seems increasingly unlikely, as global average temperatures for two consecutive years have risen above that level. That does not negate the Paris target, because it will be measured across a much longer period, but it does send a concerning signal. Scientists fear further heating could trigger a series of tipping points that could reinforce the heating trend and give it potentially unstoppable momentum. It may be possible to overshoot the 1.5C target and then lower temperatures, but this will be difficult and could require the use of unproven carbon capture and storage and removal techniques that draw carbon from the atmosphere. The best way of achieving it will be to minimise the temperature rise, and make the overshoot as brief as possible. That means cutting carbon as fast as possible now. Q: Will rich countries stump up climate finance for vulnerable ones?A: Last year’s Cop29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, was the finance Cop where, for the first time, countries debated how much assistance should be provided from the rich world to the poor. The previous target of $100bn each year from 2020 was not subject to debate, but was adopted at Cop15 in Copenhagen in 2009. After two weeks of bitterness and hostility, Cop29 arrived at the same conclusion that had been predicted long before its start: an overarching goal of $1.3tn a year was to flow to the developing world by 2035, drawn from a wide variety of public and private sources and, within that, a pledge by developed countries to supply $300bn directly. The divisions, fights and unseemly wrangling of Cop29 left a bitter taste for many, which Brazil has tried to heal and dispel. Part of that effort has been the preparation of a Baku to Belém Roadmap to 1.3T, a joint report by the Cop29 and Cop30 presidencies published a few days before the start of Cop30. It contains more than 50 recommendations, none of which are binding on Cop30, but which will form the basis for discussions. They include raising money from oil and gas producers and other high-carbon activities, such as levies on frequent flyers and transport. Q: Will countries agree to move away from fossil fuels?A: At Cop28 in Dubai in 2023, countries agreed for the first time to “transition away from fossil fuels (Taff)”. No date was set for the phaseout, and no further details were given, but the resolution marked the first time the central cause of the climate crisis had been addressed in a Cop outcome. No sooner had the gavel descended than petrostate opponents of the deal were trying to unpick it. They suggested it was not a binding resolution but simply one of a menu of options, and that it did not necessarily apply to all fossil fuels. Last year, proponents of the “transition away” tried to strengthen it with a further resolution at Cop29, but they failed, in part because of the handling of the issue by the Azerbaijan Cop presidency. This year, they want to bring it back again, but the Brazilian presidency is wary. Scores of countries have raised objections in some forums, and the issue is a hot potato. Some developing countries with oil and gas deposits fear they will be prevented from exploiting them and want to ditch the issue; others in favour of the resolution are cautious, arguing that it was settled at Cop28 and it would be dangerous to reopen it. But many proponents fear that if it is not progressed in some form that gives a plan as to how it can be achieved, the “transition away from fossil fuels” will remain just a vague promise with little value. Brazil will have to find some way of navigating these shoals. One solution may be to set up a forum where countries can express their concerns freely, and without pressure, and that will take several years under successive Cop presidents to come up with a plan for the transition away from fossil fuels, rather than struggling to find an answer within two weeks. Q: Can Brazil create a forest-saving fund?A: The Amazon rainforest is everywhere in evidence in Belém, not least in the weather of this rainy city. Brazil brought world leaders here for a reason: President Lula’s leading project for Cop30 is the Tropical Forests Forever Facility, a fund that will use initial cash injections from developed country governments to raise money from the private sector and financial markets, to spend on projects that help governments and local communities preserve their existing forests, rather than exploit them for short-term gain. Lula hopes to raise $25bn of initial funding, which will be used to create a $125bn fund. But the project has run into problems. Germany is likely to provide €1bn and Norway about $3.5bn to the fund. But the US will not contribute now under Donald Trump, and the UK disappointed the hosts by refusing to stump up cash at this stage, despite having been one of the key players in the early stages of the design of the fund. Paying countries and communities with tropical forests to keep them standing is probably the best way yet found to preserve forests. The idea of doing so was endorsed two decades ago in the Stern review, and has a long pedigree. Alternatives, such as awarding forested countries carbon credits to be sold on the carbon markets, have proved problematic. Without such payments, the need to raise cash for subsistence from exploiting the forest, through logging, ranching or conversion to soy or palm oil plantations, can be too strong. Nations also need money to combat illegal forces bent on forest destruction. Lula has succeeded in reining in the rampant deforestation that marred the tenure of his predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro. But without international support in his efforts, Lula may face increasing difficulty at home. Q: Will Indigenous voices finally be listened to?A: Lula pledged that holding Cop in the Amazon would be an opportunity for Indigenous peoples to take the global stage, bringing their voices to the fore and their concerns, as well as celebrating their achievements. All Cops have a small number of Indigenous people attending, often standing out from the crowd in colourful traditional dress. But few achieve much of substance for them, beyond warm words. The difference at Cop30 is a new initiative from Brazil, called the global ethical stocktake. This takes inspiration from the global stocktake under the Paris agreement, which is a regular assessment of the progress made towards the 1.5C goal, by evaluating countries’ NDCs and the policies they are implementing to reach them. The global ethical stocktake will focus on the “moral, ethical and cultural” aspects of the climate crisis, including the ways in which it has an outsized impact on poor, vulnerable and disadvantaged people, on women, on children and on Indigenous people. It is not clear yet what influence the global ethical stocktake will have, but Brazil’s highly regarded environment minister, Marina Silva, will be in charge of ensuring it delivers for the people who need it most. Q: Can a quick win on methane be agreed?A: Cutting carbon is hard, but cutting the powerful greenhouse gas methane gives more bang for the buck. About a third of the global heating of recent years may be down to rising methane levels, and each molecule has about 80 times the warming potential of carbon dioxide. That means cutting methane could be the “emergency brake” on temperatures that the planet desperately needs. There are relatively easy ways to achieve this – for instance, by stopping the venting or flaring of methane from oil and gas production facilities, staunching leaks from oil and gas wells and coalmines, and capturing and using the methane from landfill rubbish dumps. But few countries enforce such rules, so the opportunity is lost. Brazil has shown little enthusiasm for methane action – the country has a huge agriculture sector, and cattle are another major contributor to global methane emissions – but addressing the issue would be a big help at this crucial juncture in the climate crisis. Brazil does have enthusiasm for biofuels – fuels from non-fossil sources – and this is controversial. Brazilian biofuels – much in evidence around Cop – are often efficiently produced, but around the world this is not always the case, and biofuels can displace nature, compete with food production for land, require the use of vast quantities of chemical fertiliser and water, and, in many cases, do not actually represent a substantial saving of carbon dioxide compared with fossil fuels. Many campaigners fear that the host country’s plans for a quadrupling of “sustainable” fuels (mostly biofuels, but with some other synthetic fuels and hydrogen included) could have unintended poor consequences. Q: Will Trump scupper the talks in absentia?A: The US president, Donald Trump, will not attend Cop30, but he will overshadow it. The US, the world’s second biggest emitter of carbon dioxide after China, saw a boom in renewable energy under Joe Biden (though also an increase in fossil fuel exports) and further declines in its greenhouse gas output. Trump has scrapped incentives for renewable energy, halted major projects, opened up new lands for oil and gas drilling and boosted the coal industry. The US NDC was submitted under Biden, but it was largely a symbolic gesture – Trump has vowed to withdraw from the Paris agreement, for the second time. While the world can carry on without the US, and while many states, cities and businesses within the US have also pledged to continue with their own climate plans, the actions of the president of the world’s biggest economy inevitably have far-reaching impacts. Trump has signalled in many forums that he rejects the international consensus on “multilateralism” – the idea that global problems should be solved by nations coming together in a spirit of cooperation, respect for each another and the rule of law. Partly for this reason, the Brazilian hosts have repeatedly said that one of the main tasks of the Cop will be to “send a signal that multilateralism works” – essentially, that means to get to the end of Cop without a major disruption or disaster, and have some kind of semblance of unity to leave Belém with. That will be hard enough in itself, given the fierce geopolitical headwinds this Cop faces. And if that is all that Cop achieves, it will be judged a failure. Q: Who will host Cop31 next year?A: Brazil got its bid in to host Cop30 early on, and was swiftly confirmed, so had two years to prepare for Belém. But the question of who will host Cop31 has still not been settled, despite Australia having announced its offer several years ago. Turkey is vying with Australia for the right to host next year and, despite enjoying little support among the countries that will have a vote on the issue, shows no sign of giving up its bid. If no compromise can be found, or if one or other does not pull out of the contest, then the hosting of Cop31 will revert to the UNFCCC headquarters in Bonn, a prospect neither the German government nor the UN is likely to relish. But the bigger problem will be that whoever hosts now only has one year to prepare, which is a daunting task given the size and complexity of modern Cops, compared with the smaller and simpler affairs of most Cops more than 10 years ago.

Abubacarr
Defending and exposing corruption: The case of Ousman Jobarteh
Politics

Defending and exposing corruption: The case of Ousman Jobarteh

By Mohammed Jallow The Gambia today stands at a crossroads between responsible governance and the creeping decay of institutional trust. Nowhere is this dilemma more pronounced than in the unfolding discourse surrounding the Gambia Ports Authority (GPA), its Managing Director, Mr Ousman Jobarteh, and the controversial Memorandum of Understanding with Albayrak Port Management. The narrative has been dominated by sensationalism, half-truths, and politically motivated commentaries that blur the line between accountability and agenda-driven journalism. For decades, the GPA has functioned as one of the financial arteries of the Gambian state. Its operations sustain government revenue, trade facilitation, and regional commerce. It is no exaggeration to say that along with the Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA), it forms the fiscal backbone of the national economy. Yet, in the rush to attract clicks, followers, and online engagement, some media outlets particularly What’s On Gambia have reduced the complex realities of port management to tabloid caricature. Their recurring attacks on public institutions, often devoid of evidence or balanced inquiry, reveal a deeper malaise in our media ecosystem: the pursuit of viewership at the expense of truth, national stability, and institutional integrity. Media, misinformation, and the erosion of national confidenceIn democratic societies, the media serves as the conscience of the nation. It is expected to hold power accountable while safeguarding the public interest. However, in The Gambia’s increasingly polarised environment, portions of the digital media have abandoned this sacred duty. Instead of fostering constructive dialogue, they have become instruments of disinformation reducing national discourse to a theatre of scandal. Every reckless headline, every unverified accusation, and every insinuation of corruption spreads beyond Banjul’s borders. In an interconnected global economy, these narratives reach investors, donors, and grant facilitators who evaluate countries not merely by their macroeconomic data but by the stability of their governance and credibility of their institutions. What goes viral on our local newsfeeds often ends up shaping international perceptions. When unverified stories about the GPA or its leadership circulate unchallenged, they not only damage reputations but also expose our country’s weak news architecture. Such exposure diminishes investor confidence, reduces foreign interest in our logistics sector, and casts a shadow over the nation’s financial sovereignty. The stability of the financial sector is not merely an economic question; it is an existential matter of national security. The Albayrak MoU: Between reform and controversyThe signing of the MoU between the GPA and the Turkish firm Albayrak in July 2024 was meant to mark a new chapter in port modernisation and private-public partnership. Yet it quickly became a political lightning rod. Accusations of non-transparency and speculation about the terms of engagement flooded the media space before the ink even dried. While it is legitimate for citizens and journalists to question the terms of such a strategic agreement, it is equally crucial that criticism be informed, factual, and grounded in national interest rather than political bias. The GPA, operating under the Ministry of Transport, Works and Infrastructure, has maintained that the MoU is a framework for feasibility and investment not a concession agreement transferring ownership. Yet few media outlets took the time to clarify this distinction. Instead, sensational reports created an impression that national assets were being “sold” to foreign interests. Such narratives, when unsubstantiated, not only undermine public confidence but also complicate diplomatic and commercial engagements. It is a pattern that reveals how misinformation, when amplified by media actors seeking popularity, can inflict lasting damage on a nation’s global standing. The leadership of Ousman Jobarteh: Between allegation and legacyMr Ousman Jobarteh’s stewardship of the GPA has not been without controversy. Yet, to reduce his tenure to recent allegations of corruption is to ignore a decade-long record of institutional strengthening, digital transformation, and regional cooperation. His administration’s efforts to modernize port infrastructure, improve customs interface systems, and expand training opportunities for staff have contributed significantly to the GPA’s growing operational capacity. Under his leadership, the GPA has sponsored professional development programs abroad, exposed its workforce to international best practices, and implemented safety and compliance reforms aligning with International Maritime Organisation standards. These achievements are tangible reflections of institutional growth. They represent a vision of transforming the port into a regional maritime hub capable of competing with peers like Dakar or Abidjan. Moreover, the GPA’s steady revenue performance even amidst global supply chain disruptions attests to competent fiscal management. Its contribution to national coffers remains substantial, reinforcing the view that along with the GRA, the Ports Authority remains one of the “cash cows” of the Gambian economy. Citizens must therefore acknowledge that attacking the credibility of these institutions is not simply an attack on individuals but a destabilisation of the state’s economic foundations. The Weaponisation of corruption allegationsThe emergence of the so-called “D20 million case” against Mr Jobarteh must be examined critically. The timing coming shortly after reports that he opposed Albayrak’s alleged attempt to use the Port of Banjul as collateral for a foreign loan raises serious concerns about the political uses of anti-corruption rhetoric. It would be naïve to ignore that in The Gambia, as in many fragile democracies, anti-corruption campaigns often serve dual purposes: to appear reformist to the public while silencing dissenting voices within power structures. If the government were genuinely committed to accountability, it would have acted long ago on audit reports detailing procurement irregularities, mismanagement, and financial leakages. The selective urgency surrounding this particular case suggests not the birth of justice, but the continuation of political theatre. Nevertheless, defending the integrity of an individual should never mean shielding wrongdoing. If there is credible evidence against Mr Jobarteh, due process must prevail. But justice cannot be selective. Accountability must extend to all actors involved in the Albayrak engagement from the Presidency to the Ministry of Finance because such agreements are never unilateral decisions. If the concession was flawed, the responsibility is collective, not individual. The politics of silence and sacrificeWhat this moment reveals is the fragility of institutional independence in The Gambia. When political patronage determines who is protected and who is prosecuted, governance becomes transactional. Mr Jobarteh’s earlier gestures such as the GPA’s financing of public projects including a police station in Mankamang Kunda might have been viewed as loyalty to power, but they now illustrate how temporary such protection can be. Silence, in such systems, is not neutrality. It is complicity. The same machinery that once celebrated the GPA’s “progress” under his leadership is now poised to dismantle his reputation to serve new political interests. If he chooses to remain silent, he risks becoming another casualty of selective justice. But if he decides to reveal the full extent of the Albayrak negotiations, and the political interference that shaped them, he could help The Gambia confront the deeper structural corruption that has long crippled its public institutions. Corruption as a structural conditionThe core lesson from this saga is that corruption in The Gambia is not an isolated behavior it is an institutional design. From inflated procurement contracts to manipulated recruitment, from opaque MOUs to the diversion of public resources for political ends, corruption operates as a network that protects itself through selective enforcement and public distraction. By focusing national outrage on one individual, the system preserves itself. The public is made to believe that “something is being done,” while the deeper rot continues unchecked. This is why every new scandal begins with sensational headlines and ends in silence. It is why the culture of impunity persists. What is required is not another press conference or scapegoating ritual, but a structural reckoning with how power is exercised, monitored, and held accountable. Transparency must begin not at the level of middle management but at the apex of decision-making where policy, contracts, and national assets are negotiated. Media responsibility and national sovereigntyIn this context, the role of the media becomes indispensable. A truly patriotic media must recognize that national development and freedom of the press are not adversaries but partners. To criticize is noble, but to defame is destructive. The journalist’s pen should be a scalpel that dissects truth, not a sword that slashes reputations. Platforms like What’s On Gambia, which have influence over public opinion, must therefore reassess their editorial ethics. Pursuing viewership at the cost of national integrity is neither journalism nor patriotism. It is reckless opportunism. A responsible press interrogates power but also protects national institutions from external discredit. The sovereignty of a small nation like The Gambia depends as much on the credibility of its institutions as on the discipline of its media. The way forward: Reclaiming integrity and reforming institutionsThe Gambia must learn from this moment. The GPA’s internal reforms, its investment in human capital, and its efforts to digitise operations should be consolidated, not politicised. The government, under the leadership of the President and through the Ministry of Transport, Works and Infrastructure, must reaffirm its support for transparent port governance while resisting the temptation to manipulate accountability for political convenience. Equally, the GPA management must strengthen its internal audit and compliance frameworks to ensure that allegations whether true or fabricated find no fertile ground. Institutional transparency is the only antidote to media distortion. Citizens, too, must rise above the seduction of online sensationalism. National development requires collective maturity the discipline to differentiate between constructive criticism and calculated sabotage. The Gambia belongs to all of us, and its institutions are reflections of our collective reputation. Conclusion: A call for balance, integrity, and visionThe ongoing debate around the GPA and Ousman Jobarteh is more than a story about corruption; it is a mirror reflecting who we are as a nation. It tests our moral compass, our media integrity, and our capacity to separate justice from vengeance. If Mr Jobarteh is guilty, the law must take its course. But if he is being sacrificed on the altar of political expediency, then the conscience of this nation must awaken. Either way, The Gambia cannot afford another cycle of scandal, silence, and selective justice. The Gambia Ports Authority remains a strategic national institution whose stability and credibility directly affect the nation’s economy, trade, and global image. The courage of its management in pursuing modernization, training staff, and expanding international partnerships deserves recognition. The GPA’s success is not just institutional it is national. It is time for the media, the public, and policymakers to exercise both intellect and integrity. The future of our nation depends not on who wins a media battle, but on whether we preserve the institutions that keep The Gambia standing. For The Gambia, Our Homeland.

Abubacarr
The Gambia’s stolen catch: How Chinese trawlers feed Europe’s seafood market
World

The Gambia’s stolen catch: How Chinese trawlers feed Europe’s seafood market

By Davide Mancini In the waters off The Gambia, a ghost fleet of Chinese-owned trawlers continues to plunder the seabed, robbing Africa’s smallest mainland nation of its marine resources. Collisions with local artisanal fishermen are becoming increasingly frequent, while illicit catches flow with ease into markets in Spain and Italy. Night settles over the Gambian coast, and four fishermen drift in their wooden canoe, several kilometres from shore. Having cast their nets near How Ba beach, in the country’s narrow stretch of tropical waters, they now wait. In a few hours, they will haul in their catch and pack the fish into boxes filled with ice. Then, in the dark, two small navigation lights – red and green – appear on the horizon, gliding silently closer. At first the fishermen assume it is another canoe. But within seconds the sea erupts in a brutal impact. A steel trawler, the Majilac 6, has slammed into their rickety boat, shattering it. The trawler, weighing several tons, presses on without stopping, its lights extinguished, and disappears into the dark. The collision takes place roughly six nautical miles from land. Of the four Senegalese fishers on board, two die almost immediately. The youngest crew member, 14-year-old Bubakar M’Baye, is left clinging to the wreckage with his cousin Assan, 25. For hours they hold on, battered by the waves. But as the night wears on, Assan’s grip loosens. Surrendering to exhaustion, he drifts off into the swell. When dawn finally breaks, another canoe of fishers comes across Bubakar, gripping the keel of what is left of his boat. He is pulled out alive. The disaster of the Majilac 6, during the night of 7-8 March 2024, is not an isolated tragedy. It is part of a pattern: industrial trawlers trespassing in The Gambia’s inshore waters, which are reserved for artisanal fishing. Across West Africa, the competition for fish has grown fierce. Industrial fleets, often Chinese or European, are trawling deep and close to the coast, eroding local stocks and encroaching on the livelihoods of small-scale fishers. Local crews are forced to push further and further out to sea, chasing dwindling catches. The struggle is relentless and it is becoming deadly. According to satellite data collected by Global Fishing Watch, which tracks large vessels to check for illegal activity, at least four trawlers from the Majilac fleet appear to have continued fishing illegally within The Gambia’s nine-nautical-mile coastal limit – a zone reserved for artisanal boats under national law. The catches from these incursions are later unloaded at the port of Banjul, the capital, where certain species are sold locally or exported to neighbouring countries such as Senegal. But not all the fish land at the main port. Up the Gambia River, beyond the mangrove swamps near Banjul, trawlers pull in at a discreet dock operated by Hansen Seafood, a processing company. Directly in front of this secondary dock, a rusting vessel is moored. Its name, painted faintly on the hull, reads Majilac 2. Nearby, two other trawlers sit in dry dock, undergoing repairs. On their lifebuoys, the word Majilac can still just be made out, though the boats themselves have been freshly repainted. We are visiting a year after the deadly Majilac 6 accident. At the entrance to the building, three flags flutter above the gate: Italian, Spanish and Gambian. An employee we encounter outside explains that the managers are not on site. He insists the Majilac vessels are owned not by Hansen Seafood but by a Chinese company. In fact, the trawlers themselves do not belong to the processing plant. Hansen Seafood is owned by the Spanish conglomerate Congelados Maravilla, headquartered in Vigo, one of Galicia’s seafood hubs. The company is among the region’s leading importers, distributing wholesale across Europe, primarily to Spain, Italy and Portugal. Its founder, Giuseppe (or José) Mellino, is an Argentinian businessman of Italian descent. He announced the acquisition of the Gambian company in 2022. The Denton Bridge plant, located at the gateway to Banjul, is billed by the Galician group as one of the largest seafood-processing facilities in West Africa and the biggest in The Gambia. Tons of octopus, cuttlefish and assorted fish are packed there daily for export. When contacted for this investigation, Congelados Maravilla denied owning the Majilac vessels. The company states that since last year it has sourced seafood exclusively from local artisanal fishers. But it does not deny having previously bought and exported products from the Majilac fleet, insisting that those purchases were part of agreements already in place when it took over Hansen Seafood in 2022. This means that at least until last year, the company was packaging and exporting fish caught illegally in Gambian waters. Roughly 30 percent of these exports went to Italy, while more than half were shipped to Vigo – often routed through the Portuguese port of Leixões, about 150 kilometres south of Vigo. In 2023 alone, at least 520 tonnes of frozen fish arrived in Spain from the Denton Bridge plant, at a time when Hansen Seafood was fully under Congelados Maravilla’s ownership and still receiving regular shipments from the Majilac fleet. About 80 people are employed at Hansen Seafood’s processing and cold-storage plant. The fish they handle comes from the exclusive economic zone of Africa’s smallest mainland nation. The company claims that the new Spanish management has conducted a sweeping renovation since the facility was acquired from Chinese owners in 2022: upgrading infrastructure, installing modern machinery and improving labour conditions for a workforce made up largely of Gambians. When Congelados Maravilla announced the acquisition that year, it declared an annual processing capacity of up to 5,000 tonnes of seafood. Yet in an email response to questions for this investigation, the company said the actual volume ranges from 800 to 1,000 tonnes. To put that in perspective: given the EU’s average per-capita fish consumption – around 23 kilograms a year – the plant’s output is enough to supply only around 40,000 Europeans. For The Gambia, the stakes of fishing are high. The river Gambia’s nutrient-rich waters, which empty into the Atlantic, have made the former British colony a prime fishing ground. But that abundance has also turned the country into one of Africa’s hotspots for illegal fishing. For years, NGOs and international agencies have called attention to the problem. But vested interests run deep, and the state has struggled to defend its marine resources against the twin pressures of foreign fleets and local corruption. “These trawlers are a menace. Incidents happen every single day, yet the foreign vessels are never held accountable”, says Omar Gaye, of the ‘Gambian Artisanal Fishermens Association. As a fisher himself, he knows the risks firsthand. He had to file a complaint after a trawler from the Majilac fleet tore through his nets one night, leaving them in shreds. National shipping records confirm that Majilac Fishing Company, which runs the fleet, is controlled by a mix of Chinese shareholders and Gambian nationals. For the authorities, the Majilac trawlers are hardly new adversaries. In 2019, when the fleet still operated under the Hansen name, four vessels were caught fishing illegally just 4.5 nautical miles off the coast – less than half the legal limit. Each vessel was fined roughly €11,700. Yet the incursions have continued. In March 2024, the Gambian navy launched a new enforcement operation, this time in collaboration with Age of Union, a vessel operated by the environmental group Sea Shepherd. Over the course of the patrol, seven industrial trawlers were detained while fishing illegally close to shore, in waters where dozens of wooden canoes work day and night. Among the vessels rounded up in the March 2024 crackdown, four belonged to the Majilac fleet. All were using illegal nets with mesh so fine that they scooped up small species – tiger prawns, shrimp, cuttlefish and more – well below the legal catch size. Yet the joint patrols between the Gambian navy and Sea Shepherd have not discouraged these trawlers from returning to illegal fishing once released. Meanwhile, the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement (SFPA) remains in force between the European Union and The Gambia. Under the deal, the EU pays The Gambia €550,000 a year in exchange for access by European vessels to catch-limited quotas of high-value species such as tuna and cod. Half of that sum is supposed to be earmarked by the Gambian authorities for developing the fisheries sector. It is intended to pay for monitoring, policy work, and enforcement against illegal fishing. In practice, however, several trawlers – including the Majilac 3 and Majilac 7 – along with other Chinese-flagged vessels, continue to operate illegally inside the nine-nautical-mile coastal zone reserved for artisanal canoes. At times, they edge to within just three miles of the shore. Satellite data shows that these same trawlers continue to dock at Hansen Seafood’s facilities to this day. In response to questions for this investigation, Congelados Maravilla reiterated that it stopped purchasing seafood from the Majilac trawlers a year ago. Still, the vessels continue to unload their catches at the company’s dock under earlier agreements. The firm insists that all fish landed at their dock is now bought by other wholesalers, and that not a single octopus or cuttlefish is currently purchased by the Spanish group. “Here in The Gambia, there are about 5,000 canoes devoted to artisanal fishing, heading out to sea every day”, says Omar Gaye, of the Artisanal Fishermen’s Association, underscoring the trade’s social importance. “The trawlers do whatever they want. The evidence is right there for everyone to see. I don’t understand why no one stops them.” The scale of the problem extends far beyond The Gambia’s shores. Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing accounts for one-fifth of global fish catches, according to the Financial Transparency Coalition. Its market value is estimated at between $10 billion and $23.5 billion annually. West Africa alone is believed to represent roughly 40 percent of this total. The result is a loss of more than $9 billion for countries in the region, in addition to shrinking biodiversity and the depletion of a vital source of protein for West Africans. National shipping records confirm that Majilac Fishing Company, which runs the fleet, is controlled by a mix of Chinese shareholders and Gambian nationals. For the authorities, the Majilac trawlers are hardly new adversaries. In 2019, when the fleet still operated under the Hansen name, four vessels were caught fishing illegally just 4.5 nautical miles off the coast – less than half the legal limit. Each vessel was fined roughly €11,700. Yet the incursions have continued. In March 2024, the Gambian navy launched a new enforcement operation, this time in collaboration with Age of Union, a vessel operated by the environmental group Sea Shepherd. Over the course of the patrol, seven industrial trawlers were detained while fishing illegally close to shore, in waters where dozens of wooden canoes work day and night. Among the vessels rounded up in the March 2024 crackdown, four belonged to the Majilac fleet. All were using illegal nets with mesh so fine that they scooped up small species – tiger prawns, shrimp, cuttlefish and more – well below the legal catch size. Yet the joint patrols between the Gambian navy and Sea Shepherd have not discouraged these trawlers from returning to illegal fishing once released. Meanwhile, the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement (SFPA) remains in force between the European Union and The Gambia. Under the deal, the EU pays The Gambia €550,000 a year in exchange for access by European vessels to catch-limited quotas of high-value species such as tuna and cod. Half of that sum is supposed to be earmarked by the Gambian authorities for developing the fisheries sector. It is intended to pay for monitoring, policy work, and enforcement against illegal fishing. In practice, however, several trawlers – including the Majilac 3 and Majilac 7 – along with other Chinese-flagged vessels, continue to operate illegally inside the nine-nautical-mile coastal zone reserved for artisanal canoes. At times, they edge to within just three miles of the shore. Satellite data shows that these same trawlers continue to dock at Hansen Seafood’s facilities to this day. In response to questions for this investigation, Congelados Maravilla reiterated that it stopped purchasing seafood from the Majilac trawlers a year ago. Still, the vessels continue to unload their catches at the company’s dock under earlier agreements. The firm insists that all fish landed at their dock is now bought by other wholesalers, and that not a single octopus or cuttlefish is currently purchased by the Spanish group. “Here in The Gambia, there are about 5,000 canoes devoted to artisanal fishing, heading out to sea every day”, says Omar Gaye, of the Artisanal Fishermen’s Association, underscoring the trade’s social importance. “The trawlers do whatever they want. The evidence is right there for everyone to see. I don’t understand why no one stops them.” The scale of the problem extends far beyond The Gambia’s shores. Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing accounts for one-fifth of global fish catches, according to the Financial Transparency Coalition. Its market value is estimated at between $10 billion and $23.5 billion annually. West Africa alone is believed to represent roughly 40 percent of this total. The result is a loss of more than $9 billion for countries in the region, in addition to shrinking biodiversity and the depletion of a vital source of protein for West Africans. Under European law, all fish imported into the EU must be accompanied by a catch certificate specifying where and by which vessel it was caught, thus guaranteeing that it was not taken illegally. The responsibility for issuing those documents lies with national authorities – in this case, the Gambian state. The fishermen involved in the Majilac 6 incident were all from Saint Louis, in northern Senegal, including Bubakar and his father, Mussa. “We come back once a year, during the Tabaski festival, to be with our families”, Mussa M’Baye explains. Fishing waters near Saint Louis are now overexploited, making it difficult to compete with both local canoes and the foreign industrial trawlers that have long plied the Senegalese coast. In The Gambia, by contrast, Senegalese fishing communities face less competition – although that balance is shifting. Mussa and Bubakar live in the coastal village of Sanyang, alongside other fishermen from neighbouring countries, particularly Guinea Conakry and Senegal. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has a deep tradition of fishing. The depletion of West Africa’s fish stocks is pushing the region’s coastal dwellers to seek livelihoods elsewhere. It is fueling migration toward the European Union, most notably the perilous route to the Canary Islands. Along the beaches near Tanji, dozens of canoes are being readied for multi-day fishing trips. The boats’ holds are stacked with ice-filled sacks to preserve the catch. Local fishermen are unloading their hauls directly onto the shore, where the fish is sold. Many here complain about the large trawlers that slip in at night, tearing through their nets. The losses can amount to thousands of euros. The daily catch from the canoes is mostly sold at local markets for consumption within The Gambia. A part of it is transported in refrigerated trucks to markets in Saint Louis and Dakar. Mussa M’Baye is weighed down by a feeling of responsibility to the families of the three fishermen who died in Saint Louis during the Majilac 6 incident. He owned the ill-fated canoe. Hassan, one of the dead, was his nephew. As of this report, neither the owners of the Majilac 6 nor its captain have faced any consequences for the fatal accident. Meanwhile, the damaged canoe has been rebuilt and is back at sea. Even young Bubakar, though obviously still traumatised by that night, has returned to fishing. He is trying to find his place on a sea that is increasingly crowded, contested, and dangerous.

Abubacarr
Letter: Shutdown hurts as much as ACA subsidy sunset
Politics

Letter: Shutdown hurts as much as ACA subsidy sunset

U.S. Rep. Jill Tokuda continues to be outmatched as a representative of the people. On Tuesday, she explained why she voted against ending the more than 40-day government shutdown. She explained the Senate deal did not include extending the temporary Affordable Care Act subsidies, which would hurt the American people. How is it she doesn’t realize the shutdown is already hurting the exact same Americans? Assuming she is on the right side of this issue, the GOP isn’t going to change. Leaders recognize this, change tactics and try again without hurting those they are trying to help. Rep. Tokuda also said “we are going to continue to fight like hell” for these subsidies. That is the exact same wording Donald Trump used on Jan. 6. Perhaps this is another case where what’s good for the goose is not good for the gander. She must not be re-elected. Glenn Emanuel >> Contact: 529-4831 (phone), letters@staradvertiser.com, staradvertiser.com/editorial/submit-letter

None
Rested Rainbow Wahine return to court
Sports

Rested Rainbow Wahine return to court

The nine days off between the season opener and tonight’s game against Division II St. Martin’s is a “good and bad” situation for Hawaii women’s basketball coach Laura Beeman. The Rainbow Wahine pulled away late to beat Portland State on Nov. 4 and have had more than a week to dissect the tape before hosting the Saints (1-2) at Bankoh Arena at Stan Sheriff Center tonight in a game that counts toward Hawaii’s record but not St. Martin’s. Beeman expected a challenging few practices this week with a team hungry to get back on the court. “I want to play again and I think the kids want to play again,” Beeman said Monday. “The time off is really great, because once we’re done with St. Martin’s we’re then playing five games in like 12 days or something. So we need the time to continue to grow. We need to continue to work, so this stretch has been nice, but it’s also definitely been an exercise in efficiency.” Five players scored in double figures in UH’s season opener in which seven of the 11 players Beeman used were freshmen. Saniyah Neverson, a 6-foot transfer post player from Northern Arizona, is one of two seniors Beeman played along with forward Imani Perez. Neverson, who finished with 11 points and six rebounds, is one of UH’s smaller players in the post, but her physicality and rebounding ability are welcome additions to a team that has struggled on the boards in recent years. “Watching her on film, we knew what she was going to bring, but I don’t think we could imagine what a great fit she is for our program in the locker room,” Beeman said. “Her work ethic is unbelievable on a daily basis. She plays with that edge when she comes on the floor and she kind of imposes her will onto people. She’s going to get done what she needs to get done.” Neverson said she had been in the transfer portal for a couple of weeks before she heard from the UH coaching staff. After a recruiting trip to Hawaii, the decision became an easy one. “Here we have so many talented players,” Neverson said. “After I talked to Coach B, I kind of already knew. I took my visit and I fell in love with everything about (Hawaii).” After the first week of the season, the Rainbow Wahine moved up five spots to No. 20 in the CollegeInsider.com Mid-Major Top 25. Hawaii will play two other ranked teams in the poll, No. 12 Montana State and No. 16 Liberty, in the Maui Classic on Dec. 19-20 on the Seabury Hall campus in Makawao, Maui. St. Martin’s is the first Division II team Hawaii will play in the regular season since the COVID-19-shortened season in 2020-21, when UH played Hawaii Pacific and Hawaii Hilo. St. Martin’s will also play in the GNAC-PacWest Challenge on Friday and Saturday against Chaminade and HPU. The Saints have one player from Hawaii on the roster in senior guard Lily Koki, a Maryknoll alumna. This is the second of seven consecutive home games to start the season for UH, which doesn’t go on the road until opening Big West Conference play at UC Davis and Cal State Fullerton on Dec. 4 and 6. RAINBOW WAHINE BASKETBALL At Bankoh Arena at Stan Sheriff Center Hawaii (1-0) vs. St. Martin’s (Wash.) (1-2) Time: Today, 7 p.m. TV: Spectrum Sports Radio: KKEA, 1420-AM / 92.7-FM

Billy Hull
November 11 victims – charting the way forward 
Politics

November 11 victims – charting the way forward 

The Standard Newspaper yesterday reported about the commemoration of the November 11 victims. This served as a solemn reminder of one of the darkest days in The Gambia’s history. On this fateful day, the nation witnessed the execution of soldiers following a 1994 coup which remains a painful scar on the nation’s conscience. This was a symbol of injustice, political intolerance, and abuse of state power. Now, as the nation remembers those who lost their lives, the real question remains: what should be the way forward? It is obvious that commemoration alone is not enough. True remembrance must be anchored in action. The first step is to ensure that justice is not symbolic but substantive. The findings of the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) must be fully implemented, particularly recommendations related to the November 11 killings. The perpetrators of these heinous crimes should face due process, not vengeance, and families of victims must receive adequate reparations to restore dignity and healing. Perhaps the most important step towards their healing will be the restoration of the bodies to the families. Equally important is the preservation of historical memory. The government, civil society, and schools should work together to document and teach these events so that younger generations understand the cost of dictatorship and the value of democracy. Forgetting the past would be an injustice to the victims and a disservice to national progress. Finally, the way forward must involve building a culture of accountability and respect for human rights within our security institutions. Never again should Gambians live in fear of their own army. Reforms must focus on professionalism, loyalty to the constitution, and the protection of citizens’ rights. As we reflect on the tragedy of November 11, let it be a turning point – a national commitment to truth, justice, and reconciliation. Only then can the country truly move forward, united in memory, and steadfast in its resolve that such atrocities never happen again.

Abubacarr
Lawyer Darboe as foreign minister: Some of his achievements
World

Lawyer Darboe as foreign minister: Some of his achievements

Dear Editor,The UDP was a major stakeholder in the political coalition that effected the democratic change of government in 2016. Prior to this, The Gambia was a pariah state with very little voice and respect at the international level. The country had a very poor human rights and governance record, which earned us notoriety and forced the European Union (EU) in particular to withheld millions of euros in development assistance and budgetary support. The Jammeh administration had to resort to massive borrowing to finance the perennial budget deficit. In the process, they created a gigantic debt burden for the country, which consequently weakened our fiscal position. With the swearing-in of lawyer Ousainu Darboe as Foreign Minister in early February 2017, The Gambia began to witness a thaw in foreign relations. He met with foreign diplomats accredited to the country the next day as part of his outreach efforts to rebuild relations and establish trust, and also to restore the country’s lost democratic image and credibility. In the same week, the EU announced the immediate release of €33 million to The Gambia, which had previously been frozen due to the human rights situation in the country. A further €225 million was announced on February 9, 2017, of which €75 million was allocated to addressing food insecurity, youth unemployment, and the poor condition of roads in the country. Additional support targeting other development priorities, were subsequently delivered, bringing the total EU development assistance to The Gambia to €365 million by the last quarter of 2020 (EU, October 9, 2020). The World Bank, IMF and the ADB also provided similar assistance. In sum, Darboe’s initial outreach to the international community and to our development partners in particular, has brought tremendous benefits to the country not only in terms of regaining trust and confidence, but also attracting the necessary development assistance. Other benefits include budget support, support for the maintenance of peace and security in The Gambia, and also the political stabilisation of the country. His tactful diplomatic offensive overseas also attracted debt relief for The Gambia, as well as development projects, including the OIC projects and some infrastructural developments in the Upper River Region (URR), notably the Basse bridge and the Basse-Koina Highway. Darboe was instrumental in mobilising international support for the National Development Plan (NDP), culminating in the Brussels Donor Conference, which fetched a whopping $1.7 billion in pledges. Although many donors later reneged on their pledges when President Barrow’s lack of credibility became increasingly apparent, few hundreds of millions in US Dollars were nonetheless delivered to the Treasury to advance The Gambia’s development aspirations. Darboe is widely acclaimed for returning The Gambia to the Commonwealth in 2018, which gave us the opportunity to be part of a mutually supportive community of sovereign nations, and to foster cooperation with major international players across the 54 member states. Membership of the Commonwealth also offers an opportunity for trade, debt relief, support for climate change mitigation, and to gain access to technical assistance, capacity building, and scholarships, as well as access to over 80 NGOs that assist the Commonwealth in many different areas, including education and research, social equality, and sports. Darboe also acted swiftly to stop The Gambia’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court, a process initiated by the Jammeh administration. This quick action to reverse course was a significant step in affirming New Gambia’s commitment to the international criminal justice system and to our obligations under the various international human rights laws, thereby bolstering the country’s international image.SS DaffehUK

Abubacarr
Previous 24 25 26 27 28 Next