News from November 4, 2025

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India On Way To Become 3rd Largest Economy: Nirmala Sitharaman
Kamloops Mounties urge parents, trick or treaters to check candy after needle found in chocolate bar (Kamloops)
Technology

Kamloops Mounties urge parents, trick or treaters to check candy after needle found in chocolate bar (Kamloops)

UPDATE: 11:37 a.m. Kamloops Mounties are the latest B.C. police force to issue a warning to the public about tampered Halloween candy, urging people to check their hauls after a sewing needle was found in a chocolate bar. In a news release, Kamloops Mounties said they received a report of Halloween candy that had been tampered with on Nov. 3. Police said the chocolate bar was collected on Halloween night in the area of Chestnut Avenue, Oak Street and Walnut Avenue on the North Shore. “We are urging those that have candy collected from Halloween night to check and re-check the candy,” said Kamloops RCMP spokesperson Cpl. Dana Napier. “Given how the sewing needle is in the chocolate, the packaging may appear to be sealed.” It’s the latest in a series of police warnings across B.C., including in Delta and Surrey, and reports of tampered candy in Merritt and Prince George. Anyone with information on this incident or who have also discovered candy that was tampered with are asked to contact the Kamloops RCMP detachment at 250-828-3000. ORIGINAL: 10:05 a.m. Parents and guardians of Merritt trick-or-treaters are being asked to check all of their children’s candy after a sharp, nail-like object was found lodged in a piece of chocolate. Kristina Johnson’s son was trick-or-treating with friends on Halloween (Friday, Oct. 31) around the downtown core areas of Coutlee Ave., Blair St., Jackson Ave., Coldwater Ave., Clapperton Ave., Garcia St. and Voght St. It was the morning of Nov. 3 that Johnson’s son noticed a pinhole in a Coffee Crisp candy bar that he had collected, and upon further inspection, found what appeared to be a framing nail embedded in the chocolate. Johnson notified the Merritt RCMP detachment after her son sent her the photo while she was at work. “I did call the non emergency line, an officer did call me back but he said there wasn’t much they could do because my son visited so many houses,” said Johnson. “I really only wanted to report it so there is a note of it, in case anyone else reports any.” Johnson added that she was told by RCMP that tracking the candy would be difficult, unless she could narrow it down to one house to prompt an investigation. - Jake Courtepatte / Merritt Herald

Contributions all around as Pakistan beat South Africa in first ODI
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Contributions all around as Pakistan beat South Africa in first ODI

After the bowlers had done their job, the batters came good for Pakistan — albeit an all too familiar late collapse — at the Iqbal Stadium in Faisalabad on Tuesday. In the first international match at the venue in 17 years, Pakistan marked the start of Shaheen Shah Afridi’s era as One-day International captain with a two-wicket victory over South Africa to strike the opening blow in the three-match series. Shaheen had won the toss and elected to field with his side riding on inspired spells of bowling by pacer Naseem Shah and spinners Saim Ayub and Abrar Ahmed to bowl South Africa out for 263. South Africa had got off to the ideal start with half-centuries for debutant Lhuan-dre Pretorius (57) and the returning Quinton de Kock (63) — the duo sharing a 98-run opening stand. But with the exception of skipper Matthew Breetzke (42) and Corbin Bosch (41) in the end, none of their batters could get going as Naseem (3-40), Saim (2-39) and Abrar (3-53) scythed through their line-up. Half-centuries by Salman Ali Agha (62) and Mohammad Rizwan (57) then steadied Pakistan midway through their chase after Fakhar Zaman and Saim had laid the platform with a solid 87-run opening partnership. Salman and Rizwan combined for another 91 after Pakistan had lost three quick wickets. Rizwan fell with Pakistan needing 68 more to win but Salman struck a breezy partnership with Hussain Talat and after the hosts had an all to familiar late collapse, Mohammad Nawaz and Shaheen saw them through to a confidence-boosting victory. South Africa, meanwhile, will rue they were unable to capitalise on a storming start by Pretorius and De Kock. Pretorius and De Kock, playing his first ODI since returning from retirement after the ODI World Cup, laid into the Pakistan attack from the start as South Africa reached 94-0 by the end of the 15th over. Pakistan needed a breakthrough and it was provided by Saim as Pretorius’ slash found a diving Nawaz; the left-hander departing after having hit seven fours and a six in his 60-ball stay. De Kock, however, was proving a thorn for the hosts, dispatching anything loose to the fence and raised his half century with his fifth four — a sweep off Saim — in exactly 50 balls. Shaheen, however, brought back Naseem into the attack and after just three runs came off overs 23 and 24, the pacer struck when De Kock chopped him onto his stumps, having hit six fours and two sixes in his 72-ball knock. Pakistan got a foothold they wanted and one-drop Tony De Zorzi (18) departed in the next over, offering Saim a tame return. Breetzke and debutant Sinethemba Qeshile began the rebuilding job but just when the Proteas seemed to be gaining momentum, Nawaz struck to remove Qeshile (22) and Donovan Ferreira soon became Abrar’s first victim. Naseem cleaned up Breetzke off a no-ball but bounced back after that disappointment by getting George Linde caught behind two balls later. South Africa reached the 40-over mark at 211-6. The visitors were eyeing a closing flourish with Breetzke and Bosch but Pakistan hit back again when Abrar ended the former’s stay and then had Bjorn Fortuin lbw on the next ball. Bosch, however, got stuck in and took South Africa past 250 — muscling away Shaheen for consecutive boundaries in the 45th over and repeating the trick in the next over by Abrar — before seeing his stumps dismantled by a searing yorker by Shaheen in the penultimate over. Naseem picked up his third wicket in the last over when he cleaned up tailender Lizaad Williams. Saim and fellow opener Fakhar’s measured approach saw the side reach 53-0 in the first 10 overs. The duo stayed compact, avoiding any rash shots, but when opportunities came, they pounced on them. After the pair added 34 more to the partnership, Saim (39 off 42, four fours and six) was trapped leg-before by South African spinner Linde, who surprised the left-hander with a quicker one. Fakhar (45 off 57, four fours and two sixes) then holed Ferreira out to Fortuin in the deep before Fortuin struck gold with the ball, shooting in one to get Babar out lbw as Pakistan felt the heat at 106-3 by the end of the 20th over. The hosts reached 129-3 halfway through the innings before Salman, and Rizwan at the other end amped up the run-rate, the latter flourishing with a lofted cover drive and a sweep for fours as Pakistan crossed the 150-run mark in the 29th over. Boundaries, though, were at a premium after that – only three coming from overs 30 to 36; all of them from Rizwan’s bat. He raised his half century off 66 balls in the 37th over but fell soon after, having hit six fours in his 74-ball knock, finding Pretorius in the deep off Bosch. Hussain, though, got going with a cracking cover drive for four, which left Pakistan needing 58 off the last 10 overs. South Africa had restricted the boundaries in the next three overs but there was no stopping the singles as Hussain and Salman kept rotating the strike, chipping away at the total until the latter hoisted Ferreira down the ground for a sumptuous six to bring up his half-century off 56 balls. Hussain made 22 off 25 with two fours before falling in the 46th over and was soon followed by Hasan Nawaz, stumped off Linde, before Salman departed on the last ball of the 48th over when he skied Lungi Ngidi to Ferreira – having only got the fifth four of his 71-ball innings on the previous delivery. Nawaz, though, settled any nerves or creeping doubts when he launched Ferreira down the ground for six and despite him falling with the scores level, Pakistan got through with two balls to spare.

Trump flips and decides to starve people after all
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Trump flips and decides to starve people after all

President Donald Trump on Tuesday confirmed that he plans to weaponize hunger in America, writing in a post on Truth Social that he will not fund food stamp benefits during the government shutdown—even though two federal judges ordered him to do just that. “SNAP BENEFITS, which increased by Billions and Billions of Dollars (MANY FOLD!) during Crooked Joe Biden’s disastrous term in office (Due to the fact that they were haphazardly ‘handed’ to anyone for the asking, as opposed to just those in need, which is the purpose of SNAP!), will be given only when the Radical Left Democrats open up government, which they can easily do, and not before! Thank you for your attention to this matter,” Trump wrote. Trump’s comment is an about-face from what his own administration said in a legal filing on Monday, in which they committed to partially funding the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program—commonly known as food stamps—by using the contingency funding Congress had put in place. The fact that Trump said he would now officially ignore the rulings of two federal judges in order to weaponize hunger is the latest politically moronic move he has made in recent days. On Friday, Trump attended a “Great Gatsby”-themed Halloween party at his gaudy Mar-a-Lago resort in ritzy Palm Beach, Florida, where he was seen smiling and yukking it up with his rich benefactors hours before food stamp benefits were set to expire. Earlier that same day, Trump had sent out a number of Truth Social posts in which he marveled at the bathroom renovation he oversaw at the White House, where he had the walls and floors covered in expensive marble and gilded hardware. The imagery of Trump's hedonism while average Americans suffer is a political gift to Democrats, who can repurpose the images of Trump smiling amid wealthy party guests for ads to show just how much he doesn't care about average Americans. In fact, House Speaker Mike Johnson on Tuesday was asked what he thought of the juxtaposition of Trump living a life of luxury while lower-income Americans worried about putting food on the table. But Johnson could not bring himself to criticize Trump’s actions. "The president had an annual Halloween-themed party every year at Mar-a-Lago. That's what he went back to, his obligatory tradition," Johnson said Tuesday at a news conference when a reporter asked him to comment on the optics of Trump’s glitzy party. "I just discount what you're trying to do there," Johnson added. Of course, attending a party is not "obligatory" by any means. Trump could have skipped it, released food stamp funding as he was ordered to, and worked the phones to get a deal to fund the government. Yet he didn’t, because Trump doesn’t care about anyone but himself. It is funny, however, that Johnson chose this question to reply to. He typically chooses to claim to have not seen or heard about news events that make Trump look bad. Of course, Johnson was A-okay with weaponizing hunger to try to force Democrats to swallow Republicans’ government funding deal. On Thursday, he admitted that Republicans were withholding food stamp funding as leverage to end the shutdown. “[I]f you deviate from the goal of reopening the entire government, [Senate Minority Leader] Chuck Schumer and the radicals over there will continue to play games with people’s paychecks, their livelihoods. And if you do just part of this, it will reduce the pressure for them to do all of it," Johnson told CNN about why he wasn’t working to ensure food stamp benefits continued during the shutdown. Democrats, for their part, vowed to fight Trump’s decision to withhold food stamps. “The President who threw a Gatsby-themed party the night before he cut off SNAP benefits is now vowing to break a court order so that he can force millions of children, seniors, and veterans to go hungry,” Sen. Patty Murray, Democrat of Washington, wrote in a post on X. “It's sickening. I won't stand for it. Time to speak up and push back.”

Election Day
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Election Day

Happy Tuesday and welcome to another edition of Rent Free. As this Tuesday also happens to be an Election Day, this week's newsletter takes a look at the races and referendums that will have the biggest impact on housing policy in the coming years. That includes: New York City's mayoral race, where we investigate whether Zohran Mamdani, the candidate of "freeze the rent," can also be the candidate of housing supply. Also in New York, we look at three proposed charter amendments on the ballot that aim to streamline housing production…whether or not the city council agrees. Lastly, we have a look at the gubernatorial candidates in New Jersey and Virginia, and what they have to say about how to make housing more affordable. Can the 'Freeze the Rent' Mayor Really Be the Champion of Housing Supply? Today, New Yorkers go to the polls to vote on the next mayor. If polling is to be believed, New York Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani will win a comfortable victory over former Gov. Andrew Cuomo and Republican Curtis Swila. Given some of the positive comments he's made about the need to speed up permitting and boost private housing production, yes in my backyard (YIMBY) housing supply advocates can plausibly see a Mamdani victory as the best result for new housing, despite the self-described socialist's promise to "freeze the rent." Cuomo has said he wants to roll back portions of the recently passed City of Yes citywide upzoning plan. Sliwa has opposed City of Yes from the beginning as a developer giveaway. In a provocative essay over at The Atlantic, Rogé Karma argues that Mamdani is the best candidate for housing because of his ardent support for rent control, not despite it. While accepting the mainstream view that rent control reduces investment in new housing supply and/or building upkeep, Karma argues that providing immediate relief to renters through price controls makes them politically more supportive of necessary new construction. Rent control, he notes, voter surveys show that rent control is very popular. A recent study of Berlin tenants found that those in rent-controlled units looked more favorably on new construction. The basic theory is that if rent-controlled tenants are less worried about being priced out, they'll be less likely to oppose new market-rate construction on anti-gentrification grounds. "Rent control could be very useful to a politician seeking to woo voters, and to make residents more open to new housing development," he writes. YIMBY activists quoted in the article likewise assert that rent control policies and tenant protections have helped quiet opposition to their housing supply initiatives. Mamdani also made this exact case to Karma in an interview, saying that "it's important that when a New Yorker sees housing constructed in their neighborhood, they know that this is actually part of a larger housing plan" that includes rent control and eviction restrictions. It's an interesting thesis, but on closer inspection, I don't think it makes much sense. While the attitudes of Berlin tenants to a brief, quickly reversed rent freeze enacted in 2020 are interesting, we have plenty of homegrown examples of rent control's impact on American urban politics. The alleged link between robust price controls and pro-supply policies is largely absent here in the states. The most obvious example would be New York City, which has long had rent stabilization. In 2019, the New York Legislature enacted a law that made the city's rent regulation regime arguably the most restrictive in the country. Notably, the New York Legislature did not follow up on that law with a whole bunch of state-level zoning reforms. The Empire State lags far behind California and Texas when it comes to passing pro-supply legislation. Various efforts to craft a housing "grand bargain" of state-mandated upzonings with universal rent controls (deceptively called "good cause eviction") have failed. In 2024, the New York City Council did pass the "City of Yes for Housing Opportunity" plan, which upzoned neighborhoods across the city. The general assessment of the reform is that it was a productive, but modest, liberalization of the zoning code. Supposing that one could draw a straight line from the 2019 rent law to City of Yes, one has to wonder if it's worth trading a modest upzoning for an extremely costly rent control law that's pushing more and more buildings into financial insolvency every day. Even with the 2019 law, we're still being told that the city needs more rent control in order to get people on board with supply-side reforms. Looking beyond New York City, examples of rent control begetting pro-supply housing politics are few and far between. Los Angeles and San Francisco both have legacy rent stabilization schemes. Neither could be described as a hotbed of radical YIMBY policymaking. Los Angeles politicians have fought tooth and nail against this year's most far-reaching upzoning bills in the state Legislature. San Francisco is on the cusp of passing a modest, citywide upzoning policy after years of state pressure to do so or completely forfeit their zoning powers. It's true that California, Oregon, and Washington have passed both statewide rent control schemes and a long list of YIMBY reforms. It's not obvious that former policies begat the latter. California passed a statewide rent control policy in 2019 and then promptly rejected a statewide transit-oriented development bill in 2020. Washington passed rent control in 2025, alongside more supply-side reforms. But the state also passed a sizable housing supply package in 2023, two years before it enacted rent control. Seattle has been a leader of local upzoning, despite being forbidden by state law from adopting rent control. Only Oregon's timeline of reforms neatly fits Karma's thesis. In the early months of 2019, the state Legislature passed a rent control law before passing a statewide "middle housing" law a few months later. This example has to be contrasted with the successful record of zoning reform in Texas and Montana, both of which remain rent control-free. In short, the political case for rent control seems weak. Even if it weren't, the practical downsides of rent control remain. It generally seems like a bad idea to trade policies intended to increase housing supply for policies that reduce housing supply. The Palisades fire in Los Angeles destroyed a lot of homes. It's also encouraged state and local officials to embrace emergency waivers of various permitting and environmental regulations. Should the conclusion be that we should embrace well-designed wildfires to build political support for regulatory streamlining? To the degree that tenants' fears of being priced out need to be assuaged in order to build political support for zoning reform, there are lots of other policies besides rent control that could do that job. In their landmark paper showing the negative impact of rent control on rental housing supply in San Francisco, researchers Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade, and Franklin Qian propose the alternative policy of giving tenants government-funded subsidies or tax credits as a form of insurance against rising rents. Whatever one thinks of that policy, it would at least not destroy some housing units in order to build political support for creating others. New York's Housing Questions If New York voters are feeling glum about housing policy under any prospective mayor, they do at least have the option of voting for more housing directly. Also on the city's November ballot are three proposed charter amendments, Questions Two, Three, and Four, that would limit the City Council's ability to disapprove individual housing projects and zoning changes. Question Two would cut the city council out of the process of approving some affordable housing projects in need of zoning or other regulatory relief. New York City's current Uniform Land Use Review Process (ULURP) gives the city council the power to review, modify, and even disapprove projects that need zoning changes. That could speed up the approval of a lot of projects, because, as Nolan Gray notes on his Substack, "zoning is so restrictive in New York City, most new housing developments require some sort of ad hoc relief in order to start construction." Question Three would likewise deprive the city council of its power to review zoning changes that would allow for smaller housing projects and minor infrastructure projects. And for projects still subject to city council review, Question Four would create an affordable housing appeal board, consisting of the mayor, the city council speaker, and the affected borough president, that could override the city council's disapproval of projects. The three questions are obviously intended to speed up housing approvals. They're also meant to route around the current city council practice of rejecting projects that are opposed by the member whose district they'd be built in. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the City Council has been pulling out all the stops to quash the three ballot questions. Earlier this year, the Council urged the Board of Elections to pull the three questions from the ballot on the grounds that they used deceptive language that hid their actual effect. When the board declined that request, the council began sending out mailers and running ads on social media claiming that the three proposed charter amendments would not do much to streamline housing while removing the council's "democratic vote." Mayor Adams' misleading ballot proposals 2 & 3 claim to "fast-track" housing but they don't fix the source of delays: 700+ days of agency reviews. Instead, they just remove our democratic vote and review, which is *65 days* max. That's not a fast-track. pic.twitter.com/IB9XjLpxHT — New York City Council (@NYCCouncil) October 29, 2025 The obvious counterargument is that "democratic vote" includes the power to vote "no" on projects. We'll know soon enough whether it'll be enough to convince voters. In New Jersey and Virginia, Candidates Spar Over How Best To Boost Housing Construction In New Jersey and Virginia, voters will also go to the polls to select a new governor. Pleasingly for housing supply advocates, all four major party candidates have talked about the need to cut regulation and increase housing production as a means of bringing down housing costs. Nevertheless, there are major differences between the candidates in how much they've emphasized housing issues and their proposed solutions to high housing costs. New Jersey For decades now, the Garden State has taken an active role in local land use decisions. As a result, housing policy questions have loomed larger in New Jersey's gubernatorial race. Democratic candidate U.S. Rep. Mikie Sherrill (D–N.J.) has pitched herself as a defender of the state's "fair share" housing law, which gives most municipalities affordable housing quotas, and then requires them to change their planning regulations to meet that quota. She'd also increase subsidies for affordable housing production and have the state offer "technical assistance" to localities to help them zone for "missing middle" housing and starter homes. Her platform includes language about cracking down on "predatory investors, negligent landlords, and deceptive lenders" who collude to raise rents above market rates. In contrast, Republican former Assemblyman Jack Ciattarelli has proposed significant changes to the state law that would turn those local quotas into regional quotas and allow municipalities to pay other communities to take on their affordable housing obligations. Ciattarelli would also like to shift more affordable housing production from smaller communities to "urban aid municipalities" that are generally exempt from mandates to build new affordable housing. Virginia, in contrast, does not have nearly as robust a history of state involvement in local land use decisions. Incumbent Gov. Glenn Youngkin has made some positive moves to speed up permitting and cut state-level regulation where it exists. But neither he nor the legislature has made much effort to enact the kinds of state-level zoning reforms passed by the likes of Washington, California, Montana, and Texas. As a consequence, housing policy has very much been a backburner issue in the gubernatorial race between former U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D–Va.) and Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. Earle-Sears, for instance, has no written housing platform and declined requests from local papers to elaborate on her housing policy views. Nevertheless, in the few comments she has made about housing, the Republican candidate has expressed a pro-supply position. She's said cutting regulations that stymie housing construction would help bring costs down and that zoning codes that restrict the "free market" need to be reformed. Spanberger does have a written housing platform, although it's not incredibly detailed. She would "streamline reviews and permitting processes for properties identified for redevelopment" and make recommendations for increasing housing supply, but without "one-size-fits-all" solutions or compromising "quality and safety." Most of her more specific proposals for increasing housing supply involve increasing state funding for affordable housing construction. She also proposes enhancing tenant protections and limiting evictions, which could end up raising rents. In a sign of the times, both Sherrill and Spanberger have criticized President Donald Trump's tariffs on imported building materials for raising housing construction costs. Quick Links Mercatus Center Scholar Emily Hamilton has a column in Governing arguing that simply building more single-family homes will not lead Americans to have more children. The state of California has spent $17 million since 2020 to keep squatters out of homes seized for highway construction that never happened. San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie is getting rid of permitting requirements for sidewalk tables and chairs. Now, all business owners will have to do is fill out a form. Putting out sidewalk tables and chairs for your business is easy: fill out a free form, learn the rules like keeping sidewalks accessible, and you're good to go. No permit or free required. We want San Francisco's businesses to bring our streets to life—just follow a few simple… pic.twitter.com/o2aAJVWY34 — Daniel Lurie 丹尼爾·羅偉 (@DanielLurie) November 3, 2025 Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott signed a suite of housing bills that relax setback requirements, eliminate off-street parking mandates, and permit taller single-stair apartment buildings. San Francisco's chief economist estimates the city's proposed citywide upzoning plan would produce just 14,000 homes, not the 36,000 its proponents had promised.

Some stinkbugs’ legs carry a mobile fungal garden
Technology

Some stinkbugs’ legs carry a mobile fungal garden

What Fukatsu discovered was a mobile, self-sustaining fungal garden. “In adult female, this organ was covered with white fungal hyphae,” Fukatsu said. So far, a functionally similar feature has been found in insects like Ambrosia Beetles, which have pocket-like organs used to transport and release fungal spores into holes bored in wood. This way, the beetles create fungal gardens that their larvae and adults can feed on. But in Dinidoridae, the purpose of mobile fungal nurseries is entirely different. The stinkbugs use the fungi to cover their eggs with fungal blankets. Keeping wasps at bay To find out how Megymenum gracilicorne females use their fungal nurseries, Fukatsu and his colleagues observed the bugs in both the lab and in the wild. “They lay eggs in a row and they smear the fungal spores on each egg,” Fukatsu explained. During oviposition, the females scratched their fungal nurseries with a claw on the other leg and then rubbed the eggs. Within three days, the eggs were almost entirely covered with a roughly two-millimeter-thick layer of fungi. The purpose of these fungal blankets was to protect the eggs from parasitic wasps. “When the eggs were covered, the wasps could not approach them—pierce through them to lay their own eggs in the Dinidoridae stinkbug eggs,” Fukatsu said. The team performed a series of experiments that involved releasing the wasps in a container with stinkbug eggs fully covered with fungi and eggs where the fungal blanket was artificially scraped off. It turned out that the blankets significantly reduced the wasp parasitism. The wasps managed to parasitize 62 percent of the fungi-free eggs. In eggs covered with the fungal blankets, this rate was down to 10 percent. Surprisingly, the fungi did not infect the wasps or cause them any harm; the blankets worked more like a physical barrier than a chemical deterrent. “Even when we kept the wasps in Petri dishes full of spores for a full day, they were very happy—they never died,” Fukatsu explains.