News from November 9, 2025

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Blaming Foreigners for American Failings Won’t Fix Them
World

Blaming Foreigners for American Failings Won’t Fix Them

If there’s one belief that unites Americans across the political spectrum, it’s that other countries are the reason we can’t have nice things. “We sent $250 billion to Ukraine,” the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk wrote on X in January. “And yet we can’t get water to fight fires in California.” In 2023, Assemblyman (and now New York City Mayor-Elect) Zohran Mamdani told an audience at a Democratic Socialists of America conference that “we have to make clear that when the boot of the NYPD is on your neck, it’s been laced by the IDF,” referring to the Israeli army. “Housing and insurance across the board are extremely high, and becoming out of reach for many,” Republican Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene posted in July. “We do not want to give or sell weapons to Ukraine or be involved in any foreign wars or continue the never ending flow of foreign aid.” Some progressive activists have gone so far as to blame federal assistance to Israel for local budget cuts to New York City libraries. For many Americans and their elected officials, foreign actors—whether Ukrainian, Israeli, or Chinese—are parasites who stand in the way of prosperity or otherwise corrupt the country. And to be fair, America’s international posture, under this administration and the previous ones, certainly leaves much to critique. But when lashing out becomes a substitute for looking inward, such criticism devolves into conspiracism: a way to pin domestic problems on outsiders so as to avoid reckoning with their real causes at home. This rhetorical move may generate applause from partisans, but it’s self-defeating, because societies that externalize their internal issues will fail to fix them. Take the wildfires in Los Angeles earlier this year. At the time, Kirk and other conservatives implied that the failure to prevent the devastation and deal with its aftermath was partly the result of America sending aid to Ukraine. But the facts told a different story. As one of wealthiest and highest-taxed states in the country, and the fifth-largest economy in the world, California had the resources to address the perils posed by wildfires. Local authorities just failed to adequately prepare for a sadly predictable emergency. Any effort to avert a similar catastrophe in the future needs to reckon with this reality, not divert the debate to activities overseas. Indeed, setting aside entirely the merits of U.S. support for Ukraine or Israel, those outlays are a rounding error in the American budget. Both countries could disappear tomorrow and America’s health-care situation, education system, law-enforcement challenges, and disaster preparedness would remain the same, because America’s predicament is the consequence of American political choices, not sinister foreigners hoodwinking the masses. Similarly, Mamdani’s suggestion that racialized police brutality perpetrated in America (established 1776) by the NYPD (established 1845) stems from Israel (established 1948) is an offense against not just U.S. history but also basic causality. Sourcing such violence to a handful of police exchange trips to Israel for counterterrorism training isn’t just factually wrong—it ensures that the actual drivers of the violence go unaddressed and conveniently offloads a long-standing American pathology onto outsiders. When he becomes mayor in January, Mamdani may end the NYPD’s Israel trips, but he will be left with the same local problem. That’s because most American ills are of our own making: the result of political choices, trade-offs, and citizen preferences. Many people struggle to find affordable housing because of constraining policies in New York City, California, and other blue strongholds. At this moment, many Americans are facing the loss of their SNAP benefits because of decisions made at the federal level to shut down the government, defund its services, and prevent an emergency fund from offsetting the shortfall. The country doesn’t have Medicare for All because Americans are unwilling to pay the estimated $20 trillion it would cost per decade, not because of the approximately $500 billion we’ve sent to Ukraine and Israel over the course of those countries’ entire existence. Simply put, these situations prevail not because foreign actors defrauded America for the budgetary equivalent of pocket change, but because of policy choices made democratically here at home, for good and for ill. America’s new wave of populist politicians are right to highlight the failings of the country’s elite, both here and abroad. But if they resort to exporting blame for America’s shortfalls in housing, health care, and other areas, rather than taking a hard look within, they will have only quack cures to treat very real ailments.

A Funny Book About Faith
Technology

A Funny Book About Faith

This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Welcome back to The Daily’s Sunday culture edition, in which one Atlantic writer or editor reveals what’s keeping them entertained. Today’s special guest is Nancy Walecki, an associate editor who has written about her father, a guitar guru to the rock gods; the Palisades Fire that ravaged Los Angeles earlier this year; and her quest to find the East Wing rubble. Nancy is an avid reader of Anne Lamott, whose writing blends faith and humor. She also enjoys listening to Erroll Garner’s songs, debating the merits of the latest Taylor Swift album, and revisiting John Singer Sargent’s paintings. — Stephanie Bai, associate editor The last thing that made me snort with laughter: Traveling Mercies, by Anne Lamott. It tells the story of her journey to faith: She grew up in an atheist intellectual Bay Area family, became addicted to alcohol and drugs, lost her father to cancer, and eventually found her way to Christianity. Some of the funniest bits are about her raising her son. When she’s ashamed of yelling at him: “It’s like bitch-slapping E.T.” When another mother in her son’s class makes a passive-aggressive comment: “I thought such awful thoughts that I cannot even say them out loud because they would make Jesus want to drink gin straight out of the cat dish.” The last thing that made me cry: Also from Traveling Mercies, in which Lamott describes God as a kind of adoptive parent who will take in even the most difficult children. “The mystery of God’s love as I understand it is that God loves the man who was being mean to his dog just as much as he loves babies; God loves Susan Smith, who drowned her two sons, as much as he loves Desmond Tutu,” she writes. “So of course he loves old ordinary me, even or especially at my most scared and petty and mean and obsessive. Loves me; chooses me.” A favorite story I’ve read in The Atlantic: I had to wipe away tears of laughter while reading Gary Shteyngart’s “Crying Myself to Sleep on the Biggest Cruise Ship Ever.” An actor I would watch in anything: Anthony Hopkins. An author I will read anything by: Ann Patchett. A quiet song that I love, and a loud song that I love: One of my favorite quiet songs is “Misty,” as performed by its composer, the pianist Erroll Garner. Listening to it makes even just a walk around the block dreamy. (Bonus: If you explore more of Garner’s work, you’ll notice he hums and vocalizes along while he plays!) For a loud one, I’ve been replaying “Nobody’s Son,” by Sabrina Carpenter. Every sonic variable is perfectly calibrated to yield the ideal amount of bubblegum pop. A culture debate I recently had: A friend and I debated whether the new Taylor Swift album, The Life of a Showgirl, is good. I’m a longtime Swift fan, but even I thought it sounded like ChatGPT’s version of a Taylor Swift album. And yet, “The Fate of Ophelia” remains stuck in my head. I don’t even like the song! Maybe this is what Swift meant when she said the album would contain “melodies that were so infectious that you’re almost angry at it.” [Related: Taylor Swift’s fairy tale is over.] Something I recently revisited: I recently wrapped up a magazine feature about my father’s musical-instrument shop, which was a hub of the 1960s and ’70s music scene in Los Angeles. Once the story went to press, I rewatched This Is Spinal Tap, because nothing (lovingly) parodies rock music better. The last museum or gallery show that I loved: In general, I’m less affected by visual art than I am by music. The exception may be the “Sargent and Paris” exhibit at the Met earlier this year, which I saw four times. I especially love a painting of two young women on a rooftop in Italy; one appears to be dancing the tarantella, and the other is playing the tambourine. You can hear the music; you can feel the cool Capri air. Looking at the scene fills me with an emotion I haven’t yet been able to identify, so I keep coming back. My favorite way of wasting time on my phone: I was actually wasting so much time on my phone (mostly on Instagram) that I had to remove every single fun app from it. But one of my favorite ways to waste time on my computer is Pinterest. It is, in my experience, a universally positive part of the internet. I use it as a tool to dream with—usually about the southwestern-style home I hope to one day own, where I will have lizards and coyotes for neighbors. [Related: What is Pinterest? A database of intentions.] A good recommendation I recently received: The novel Piranesi, by Susanna Clarke. I’ll describe it to you the way my friend did to me: It is a strange, beautiful little book unlike anything I’ve ever read, and it’s best to know as little about it as possible before you start. Here are three Sunday reads from The Atlantic: The Week Ahead The Pantsless Trend Reaches Its Logical Conclusion By Julie Beck More in Culture Catch Up on The Atlantic Photo Album Take a look at some shortlisted images from the 2025 Close-Up Photographer of the Year contest. Rafaela Jinich contributed to this newsletter. Play our daily crossword. Explore all of our newsletters. When you buy a book using a link in this newsletter, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting The Atlantic.

Hundreds of Thousands of Anonymous Deportees
Politics

Hundreds of Thousands of Anonymous Deportees

One morning in March, as ICE was building momentum in carrying out President Donald Trump’s mass-deportation campaign, dozens of people who had recently been detained throughout Virginia were being rushed through preliminary hearings. The government was using Zoom to save time, so Judge Karen Donoso Stevens sat in a mostly empty courtroom, adjourning some proceedings in less than two minutes each. Donoso Stevens yelled at a man to “stop talking!” while his own case was being heard and became frustrated with another who got confused when she referred to him as “the man in the green jacket.” (He wasn’t wearing a green jacket.) When a father said he was scared to leave the country without his 5-year-old, she ignored the comment and asked if he had enough money to pay for his ticket home. I was in court that day hoping to see how Trump’s new deportation mandate was playing out, but the hearings were moving so quickly that I was having trouble keeping up. Some people said they needed more time to find lawyers or fill out applications. I was getting only snippets of people’s stories, as one bled into the next. But time seemed to slow around noon, when Donoso Stevens called a man from El Salvador with pale skin and short curly hair, wearing an orange jumpsuit, with his hands cuffed behind his back. “I’m very worried about my three babies,” he said in a slow, shaky voice. “The officers arrested me in front of the two littlest ones, who are 2 and 4.” He began to cry, explaining that his youngest had been sick, and that his 4-year-old’s first words to him since his arrest had been to ask if the officers who took him away had hurt him. After the hearing, I asked an attorney to try to reach the man. (Only lawyers can directly call people who are in immigration custody. Detainees have to initiate calls with anyone else.) She tried several times but never heard back. He seemed to vanish, leaving me wondering for months what had happened to him. Since then, I’ve often thought of that man while scrolling social media, where the stories of other people arrested by ICE have gone viral, turning some into minor celebrities: There was Ming “Carol” Li Hui, a waitress and mother from Missouri whose Trump-supporting neighbors and customers wore Bring Carol home T-shirts; and Marcelo Gomes da Silva, a high-school student in Massachusetts whose friends posted signs of his face in their front yards; and Narciso Barranco, the California landscaper whose three sons, all Marines, went on national television to decry their father’s violent arrest. These stories have spread because they seem—due to the young age of the person arrested, their contributions to the country, or the fact that they have young children at home—like exceptions whose treatment was uniquely harsh. Sitting in immigration court, I saw firsthand that they represent the norm. There was at least one deportation case that most Americans would likely support—a man who had been convicted of child sodomy—but most detainees were people without a criminal history who were worried about getting back to their families and their jobs. I wondered if the crying father might have also become a household name if his story were online. Instead, like most people who are detained across the country right now, he remained unknown and unreachable. Most of Trump’s deportation campaign is inaccessible because after arrests are made, it is moving quickly, far from public view. And because it is targeting people who have spent an average of 16 years in the United States, trying, in many cases, to avoid public attention, rather than court it. That makes it difficult to fathom the full picture of what’s happening. In the age of virality, our devices offer up individual case studies, allowing us to congregate around them virtually. Although this is useful in helping us understand what happens when a person is plucked from their home, it takes our attention away from the larger story—more than half a million people deported, millions more at risk—and focuses us instead on a tiny part of it. More than 70 percent of people in immigration custody have no criminal past. Although ICE has not released data on how many of them left children behind when they were arrested, the fact that an estimated 6 million kids in the United States have at least one parent without legal status suggests that this is the case for many. And detention centers for children have been packed since Trump took office. But none of this is easy to witness. The high-profile incidents have also helped a select few who are slated for deportation raise money for lawyers, or even be released. But they risk creating the impression that sharing stories on social media might somehow keep ICE’s work at bay. It won’t: Congress recently tripled the agency’s budget, making it the highest-funded law-enforcement agency in the country, and allocated $45 billion to expand its detention centers. When Marcelo Gomes da Silva, the Massachusetts high-school student, was released, he held a press conference, surrounded by supporters. He seemed most troubled not by his own arrest, which took place while he was driving himself and some of his friends to volleyball practice, but by the prevalence of experiences like his. He said that he had told the other men he was detained with, “When I’m out, if I’m the only one who was able to leave that place, I lost,” adding, “I want to do whatever I can to get them as much help as possible.” Amid the barrage of stories flooding our phones, da Silva was conveying something that’s easy to miss. For every person arrested whose name and story we’ve learned, there are thousands we haven’t heard about. Despite becoming famous for being treated harshly, da Silva is one of the lucky ones. Most people detained by ICE are being housed in sprawling complexes in rural areas, where the land is cheap and the protests are few. Akiv Dawson, a criminologist at Georgia Southern University, has been conducting research at the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia, which can hold up to 2,000 people at a time. She said that since Trump took office, courtrooms have been packed with immigrants whose experiences would, according to polling, trouble the average American—people who have lived in the U.S. for decades, have American-born children, and have never been convicted of a serious crime. She told me about a lawful permanent resident of 50 years whose child is a U.S. citizen and whose deceased wife was as well. The man explained in court that ICE agents had mistaken him for someone else when they arrested him. But he admitted in court to having a single criminal conviction—simple marijuana possession from 30 years ago—so the judge decided to let the deportation case against him proceed. The man told the judge that his belongings would soon be thrown into the street if he wasn’t released; he needed to go back to work and pay rent. “He began to panic,” Dawson told me. “He said, ‘My people don’t even know that I’m here. They came and took me from my bed.’” Dawson said the man asked the judge why this was happening after he had spent so many decades in the United States. She replied, “Sir, this is happening across the country.” Dawson also told me about a young mother from Ecuador who had followed the legal process for requesting asylum and pleaded to be released on bail so that she could be reunited with her 2-year-old son, whom she had left with a neighbor. “She begged,” Dawson said, and recalled the woman saying, “Please, give me an opportunity so that I can do the process the right way.” The woman said she wouldn’t be able to continue with her asylum case if she was going to have to do it from inside a detention center. “I have a child. I can’t be here too long without him,” she said. With that, the judge said the woman had waived her right to relief, and continued processing her for removal from the country. “Are you going to deport me with my son?” the woman asked. “I don’t have anyone to keep him here.” “You would need to talk to your deportation officer,” the judge replied, according to Dawson. “I’m only handling your case.” Dawson pointed out that neither of these people—like the significant majority of those who are being held in ICE custody—had an attorney to defend them, making them five and a half times more likely to lose their case and be deported. Unlike criminal defendants, immigrants who cannot afford an attorney are not legally entitled to a public defender—and even those who can afford to hire representation are hard-pressed to find it in the remote areas where they are being detained. There is one immigration lawyer based in Lumpkin full-time; for more than a decade after the facility opened, there was none. Some lawyers represent clients there virtually, but presenting a compelling case via a computer screen can be difficult, especially with temperamental technology and glitchy internet connections. More than nine in 10 people detained there lose their immigration case and are deported. ICE is supposed to track when it arrests people who have minor children, and to ensure that their wishes for where children end up are carried out in the case of a deportation. But immigrant advocates say they worry, given how quickly new officers are being trained, that the agency may not be keeping adequate records, as was the case with families who were separated at the southwestern border the first time Trump was president. (Tricia McLaughlin, an ICE spokesperson, said the agency was in full compliance with requirements.) In the absence of clarity, it’s become common to underestimate the scale of what is happening. In August, for example, a public outcry followed the arrest in a New York City courthouse of a 6-year-old, who was initially reported to be the first child detained in the city during Trump’s second term. Soon after, however, journalists found that in the two months prior to that incident, 48 children had been arrested in the jurisdiction that includes the city. Data obtained through the Freedom of Information Act showed that 32 of those children had already been deported. Their stories were simply missed. Chance has long played an outsize role in immigration courts. There are no juries, and a person’s likelihood of winning can depend more on the judge they are assigned than the facts of their case. Social media has only exacerbated this phenomenon. Marcelo Gomes da Silva’s lawyer, Robin Nice, told me that as the community rallied around her client, the chief ICE prosecutor called her directly to discuss the situation—a first in her 13-year career—and his bond hearing was scheduled faster than she had seen in any previous case. Although the administration appears more intent on deporting Kilmar Abrego Garcia, even after it erroneously sent him to a Salvadoran megaprison and had to bring him back under court order, because of the public attention to his case, his family has been showered with donations. And Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan, personally inquired about a mother and three children from Sackets Harbor, New York, whose detention had prompted a publicity campaign led by local teachers. Homan grew up nearby and said the case was unfortunate because it brought undue attention to the town where he would like to retire. The family was quickly released. But most unauthorized immigrants are likely to be uncomfortable broadcasting their deportation case—especially when the administration has shown that no location, age, illness, or disability guarantees a humanitarian reprieve. Months after I sat in the Virginia immigration court, I managed to track down the father whose story had stayed with me. His experience was full of the kinds of details that have led most Americans to believe that Trump has taken his deportation mandate too far. But he asked not to be named in my story, for fear that drawing attention to his family could further harm them. The man’s lawyer, Vishrut Shelat, explained that his client has lived in the United States since 2018 and has no criminal record. The man landed in ICE custody after being arrested in January when a neighbor called the police and accused him of breaking into a car and of having a domestic dispute. Both charges were dropped when he and his wife denied having a fight and proved that the car he was trying to get into was their own. Despite this, he wasn’t eligible for bail, because he was arrested days after Congress passed the Laken Riley Act. The bill is named after a young woman who was raped and murdered by a man who was previously released from criminal custody on bail. It makes people who have been accused, but not convicted, of relatively minor infractions such as theft ineligible for pretrial release. Judge Donoso Stevens had explained that under the new law, her hands were tied. Even after the police acknowledged that he hadn’t attempted to steal anything, the accusation alone meant that he would have to spend months in jail. Shelat told me that his client’s landlord has already begun eviction proceedings against his wife, who can no longer pay the rent. She and their three children have been buying food with donations from relatives and their church, but they are not sure how long those will last. Without any hope of release, the man agreed to be returned to El Salvador, leaving his wife and children behind. He hopes to file a petition when he arrives to return to his family as soon as possible. His application will land in a pile of many from people whose stories we’ll never hear.

Federal judges in Minnesota, across U.S., reject ICE attempts to hold immigrants without bond
50 years later, the mystery of the Edmund Fitzgerald still haunts the children of its lost crew
Technology

50 years later, the mystery of the Edmund Fitzgerald still haunts the children of its lost crew

TWO HARBORS, MINN. – Nolan Church joined the crew of the Edmund Fitzgerald as a porter late in life — a new career at age 50 after he was laid off from mining-related work in Silver Bay. After long stints on the massive taconite-carrying laker sailing mostly from Silver Bay to Toledo, Ohio, Church loved to spoil his children and tell stories that made them roar with laughter. They sometimes worried about him on the vast waters of the Great Lakes, his three daughters said recently. But when they would ask him if it was scary out there, he reassured them: “Not on the Ed,” came his steadfast response, according to daughter Bonnie Kellerman. Church treated his family to shopping and an early dinner at Duluth’s Chinese Lantern before heading out on what was going to be his last trip of the season on Nov. 9, 1975. The next evening, the 55-year-old father of five and 28 other crew members disappeared with their trusted ship in one of the most legendary wrecks on the Great Lakes. Their bodies were never recovered. Though the ship sank in Canadian waters close to Michigan, its mythic status looms large in Minnesota. On every anniversary, the decommissioned beacon at Split Rock Lighthouse north of Two Harbors is lit in honor of the lost men. Church was one of two Minnesotans who perished on the ship, along with seven men from northwest Wisconsin. “There hasn’t been another casualty like it since the Fitzgerald sank,” said David Schauer of the Lake Superior Maritime Visitor Center. “Nothing to the extreme of losing a laker of that size with all hands. “This time of year when the gales of November kick up, it’s almost impossible not to think of the men on the Fitz.”

Wikipedia Co-founder Jimmy Wales on Rebuilding Trust Online and Off
Technology

Wikipedia Co-founder Jimmy Wales on Rebuilding Trust Online and Off

Grokipedia isn’t the only AI-driven threat to Wikipedia. Some 65% of the nonprofit’s most server-straining traffic now comes from bots, some of which scrape the site to feed into chatbots for training. Instead of clicking through to Wikipedia, search-engine users can now often find their answers in—sometimes wrong—AI-generated summaries. That’s if they don’t go straight to ChatGPT or Claude. Wales says all of this means islands of human-generated content like Wikipedia “become more important than ever.” He says his principles of trust are just as relevant to AI developers, “because every time you get an AI answer and find out that the AI hallucinated and just made that up, it reduces your trust.” That’s where the “real world” comes in. Part of Wales’ pitch is that most of us already practice trust in “very routine ways,” such as getting into a rideshare or sharing an elevator with strangers. He points to Braver Angels, a U.S. group that hosts in-person conversations between people with opposing politics. Participants often emerge “a little more understanding ... a little more ready to think about compromises,” Wales says. The challenge is designing institutions and online spaces that tap into those impulses. Wikipedia’s collaborative culture, at its best, is a web version of that: slow, structured, and imperfect.And for internet interactions, Wales’ best advice is disarmingly simple. Direct your attention toward activities that build trust. Audit your feeds. “If you find yourself spending too much time using social media and being fed information that you don’t trust, then stop doing that,” he says. He offers one specific nudge: delete X from your phone.

JJ Redick still showing signs of immaturity as LA Lakers head coach after repeating last year’s stunt
Sarah Jessica Parker: “Tani zgjedh punët që më lejojnë të kem ekuilibër mes jetës dhe karrierës”
Technology

Sarah Jessica Parker: “Tani zgjedh punët që më lejojnë të kem ekuilibër mes jetës dhe karrierës”

Aktorja dhe producentja e serialit të HBO-së And Just Like That po i qaset karrierës me një filozofi të re. Pas dekadash në skenë dhe ekran, Sarah Jessica Parker e sheh suksesin ndryshe nga dikur, jo më si një garë për të arritur majat, por si një proces që duhet të përputhet me jetën personale. Në Festivalin e The New Yorker në tetor 2025, Parker tha se puna pranë shtëpisë së saj në Nju Jork është një nga përfitimet më të mëdha të projektit aktual. Ajo ka qenë aktore që në moshën 11-vjeçare, duke ndërtuar një karrierë mbi ambicien dhe pasionin për role që e sfidonin dhe e çonin përpara profesionalisht. Por sot, në moshën 60-vjeçare dhe me dy vajza adoleshente në shtëpi, ajo pranon se mënyra si zgjedh projektet ka ndryshuar rrënjësisht. “Po bëj zgjedhje ndryshe nga më parë,” tha ajo. “Kur je në fillim të rrugëtimit, kërkon mundësi që të mësosh, të udhëtosh, të punosh me njerëz interesantë. Por tani jam më e kujdesshme për mënyrën si do ta kaloj kohën time.” Parker rrëfeu se çdo rol i ri shoqërohet me një sërë pyetjesh personale: “Çfarë do të më largojë nga vajzat e mia tani? Sa ditë do të jem larg shtëpisë? Çfarë angazhimesh po humbas?” — pyetje që e ndihmojnë të vendosë me vetëdije për prioritetet e saj. Ekspertët e lidershipit theksojnë se ndryshimi i përkufizimit të suksesit është një proces i shëndetshëm. Simon Sinek, në podcastin e tij A Bit of Optimism, tha se ideja se “po mbetesh pas” nënkupton një garë me një vijë fundore, “dhe kjo është krejt e gabuar”. Sipas tij, karriera duhet të shihet si një udhëtim që kërkon zhvillim të vazhdueshëm, jo si një garë për përfitime të menjëhershme. Për Parker, gjetja e ekuilibrit nuk kufizohet vetëm në zgjedhjen e roleve. Përveç aktrimit, ajo drejton një linjë vere në bashkëpunim me kompaninë Invivo, është pjesë e jurisë së Çmimit Booker Prize 2025 dhe angazhohet në organizatën The States Project, që mbështet kandidatë dhe kauza demokratike në nivel shtetëror. Aktorja pranoi se mundësia për të menaxhuar kaq shumë angazhime vjen falë mbështetjes që ka në shtëpi. “E di pse unë mund të bëj kaq shumë gjëra, sepse kam llojin e mbështetjes që më duhet. Ajo që më habit më shumë janë të gjitha gratë, burrat dhe prindërit në këtë qytet e në gjithë vendin që mbajnë dy ose tre punë dhe nuk e kanë këtë ndihmë, por ia dalin çdo ditë.” Sot, për Sarah Jessica Parker, suksesi nuk matet më me famë apo arritje profesionale, por me aftësinë për të qenë e pranishme, në punë, në shtëpi dhe në jetën e përditshme. / CNBC

Market Watch: Fuel and Gold Dip as Sugar and Gas Climb in Kabul
Business

Market Watch: Fuel and Gold Dip as Sugar and Gas Climb in Kabul

KABUL – Kabul residents experienced a mixed bag of price movements in essential commodities this past week, with noticeable declines in fuel and gold providing some relief, even as staple food items and liquefied gas became more expensive, according to market sources. The diverging trends highlight the complex interplay of global market fluctuations, currency exchange rates, and local supply chains that continue to shape Afghanistan’s economy. Energy Sector Sees Diverging Trends In a welcome development for motorists and transporters, the prices of petroleum products saw a modest decrease. At the Ahmadyar pump station, a worker confirmed that the price of one litre of petrol had dropped from 70 Afghanis (afs) to 68 afs. Similarly, a litre of diesel now costs 77 afs, down from 80 afs the previous week. This decline is often linked to shifts in global oil prices and regional refining costs. However, this relief at the petrol pump was offset by a rise in the cost of liquefied gas, a critical fuel for heating and cooking in many households. Mohammad Jan Amin, a gas seller in the Daha-i-Bagh locality, reported that the price per kilogram had increased from 54 afs to 55 afs. Staple Food Prices: Sugar Surges, Others Hold Steady The food market presented a stable yet costly picture for consumers. Zmarai Safi, head of the Food Traders’ Association, reported a significant increase in the price of sugar. A 49-kilogram bag of Indian sugar now sells for 2,400 afs, up 50 afs from the previous week’s price of 2,350 afs. Traders often cite import costs and international sugar commodity prices as key factors behind such hikes. Other essential food items, however, saw their wholesale prices remain unchanged: A 16-litre bottle of Malaysian cooking oil: 1,650 afs A 24-kg bag of Pakistani rice: 2,600 afs A 49-kg sack of Kazakh flour: 1,500 afs One kilogram of African black tea: 380 afs One kilogram of Indonesian green tea: 350 afs Retail Markup Highlights Consumer Burden A visit to the Dahna-i-Bagh market, however, revealed the additional margin consumers pay at the retail level. Hamid Sufizada, a retailer, quoted slightly higher prices for all items, illustrating the standard markup from wholesale to retail: 49-kg sack of Kazakh flour: 1,550 afs 24-kg bag of Pakistani rice: 2,650 afs 49-kg sack of Indian sugar: 2,450 afs 16-litre bottle of cooking oil: 1,700 afs One kilogram of black tea: 430 afs One kilogram of green tea: 400 afs Gold Prices Dip Slightly The precious metals market also saw a minor correction. Mohammad Fawad, a jeweller in the Timor Shahi area, stated that the price of one gram of Arabian gold decreased from 6,800 afs to 6,770 afs. Russian gold followed a similar trend, falling from 5,380 afs to 5,360 afs per gram. Gold prices in Afghanistan are closely tied to international bullion rates, which are converted into local currency. Currency Exchange Sees Minimal Change The foreign exchange market remained largely stable. Haji Mohammad Hussain, owner of the Sadaqat Money Exchange Service, reported that the US dollar traded at 66.60 afs, a negligible change from 66.50 afs the previous week. The Pakistani rupee held steady, with 1,000 rupees exchanging for 230 afs. The stability of the Afghani against major currencies is a key indicator watched by economists and importers. Analysis: A Tale of Two Markets This week’s price movements underscore the competing pressures on Afghan households. The drop in fuel costs can lower transportation and generator expenses, providing a small boost to business activity and family budgets. However, the simultaneous rise in sugar and liquefied gas, both household essentials, immediately reclaims that financial breathing room. Market analysts suggest that while global factors influence fuel and gold, the increase in sugar and gas points to persistent challenges in supply chain logistics and import dependencies. As the new week begins, consumers and traders alike will be watching to see if these trends solidify or reverse. Donate Here

Apart From JEE, Which College Forms Should You Fill For 2026 Admissions?
Technology

Apart From JEE, Which College Forms Should You Fill For 2026 Admissions?

Apply For 2026 UG Engineering Admission: Every year, lakhs of students aim for a seat in top engineering colleges - and for most, JEE Main is the first name that comes to mind. But, you should know that JEE isn't the only door to a great engineering college. From state-level exams like MHT CET and WBJEE to university tests such as VITEEE, SRMJEE, and BITSAT - there are plenty of other routes that can take you to your dream campus. Exploring these exams not only expands your options but also boosts your chances of securing admission to a reputed institute.Here's a list of key engineering entrance exams and their application timelines:MHT CETThe Maharashtra Common Entrance Test (MHT CET) grants admission to engineering programmes in participating institutions across the state. The CET Cell Maharashtra will soon open the application window for PCM and PCB groups with the 2026 notification expected to be released in December at cetcell.mahacet.org.COMEDK UGETThe Consortium of Medical, Engineering and Dental Colleges of Karnataka conducts COMEDK UGET for admission to top private engineering colleges in Karnataka. Registrations expected to start in February and continue till April, with the exam held in May.BITSATThe Birla Institute of Technology and Science Admission Test (BITSAT) is an institute-level exam for entry into undergraduate engineering courses at BITS Pilani, Goa, and Hyderabad. The 2026 exams are expected to begin soon, apply here- bitsadmission.com.IIIT HyderabadIIIT Hyderabad conducts admissions through its Undergraduate Entrance Exam (UGEE). Applications usually open between February and April, with the exam held in May.VITEEEThe Vellore Institute of Technology Engineering Entrance Examination (VITEEE) offers admission to BTech programmes at VIT campuses in Vellore, Chennai, Andhra Pradesh, and Bhopal. The application window generally remains open till March.SRMJEESRM Joint Engineering Entrance Examination (SRMJEE) is your pathway to SRM's BTech courses. The online application form is typically available till the end of March.WBJEEThe West Bengal Joint Entrance Exam (WBJEE) is conducted for students seeking admission to engineering institutes in West Bengal. Details here - wbjeeb.in.AEEEAmrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham conducts the Amrita Entrance Examination - Engineering (AEEE) in multiple phases each year. Students can attempt the test more than once to improve their scores. For details, visit amrita.edu.

Deandre Ayton Admits What Went Wrong During Practice That Led to Lakers Loss
Sports

Deandre Ayton Admits What Went Wrong During Practice That Led to Lakers Loss

The Hawks’ defense set the tone early and carried through the night. They came out aggressive, forcing the Lakers into turnovers and tough shots. LA struggled to find rhythm, shooting just 44% in the first quarter, while Atlanta capitalized, building a 37-29 lead by the break. Mouhamed Gueye led the charge with 21 points on 8-of-12 shooting, adding seven rebounds, seven assists, two steals, and a block. Every Hawks starter scored in double digits, and the team shot an impressive 51.1% from the floor, converting defensive stops into transition points. Atlanta’s ability to force mistakes and control the paint left the Lakers scrambling, with only Doncic (22 points, 5 rebounds, 11 assists, 1 steal) and Ayton (11 points, 5 rebounds) making notable contributions. JJ Redick’s frustration was clear as crystal as he faced the media after the loss. In a brief press conference lasting less than ninety seconds, he delivered sharp, no-nonsense answers before quickly exiting, leaving little doubt about his disappointment. “Just not a lot to like tonight,” he said. Redick didn’t mince words when reflecting on Atlanta’s effort. “They brought the requisite level of effort and urgency and physicality,” he stated, acknowledging that the Hawks showed up ready to compete while his team struggled to match the intensity. The loss reflected the Lakers’ difficulties across the board: poor perimeter shooting, sloppy ball movement, and turnovers piled up, leaving Redick visibly displeased. The game was defined by execution, or lack thereof. Atlanta clicked on all fronts, knocking down 16 threes, racking up 37 assists, and keeping turnovers to a minimum with just 11. The Lakers, meanwhile, struggled to match that rhythm, hitting 12 threes, dishing out 23 assists, but stumbling with 20 turnovers that constantly handed momentum to the Hawks. Ayton opens up: Lakers’ defensive struggles exposed by Hawks DeAndre Ayton admitted that the Lakers underestimated the Hawks. “Really, probably leaving those guys underestimated, not keeping those guys in account,” he said. “Forgetting about them that this is the NBA and those are NBA players… I feel like we were just behind the ball a little bit, and they killed us in transition, and they played amazing defense. And we weren’t ready for it, and JJ [Redick] basically got on us about it. Yeah, we ready for the next game.” The Lakers’ overconfidence was evident, and Ayton’s stats only added to it. Heading into the game, he was averaging 17.5 points, 8.4 rebounds, and 1.3 blocks on an efficient 65.7% shooting. Defensively, Ayton had flashes of brilliance, especially as a help-side protector, famously holding Spurs’ standout Victor Wembanyama, a DPOY favorite, to 19 points and eight rebounds. His timing for blocks looked sharp, reflected in a 3.9% block rate. Ayton also discussed how he plans to improve for the Lakers’ upcoming matchup against the Hornets on November 10. “JJ can see the stress on my face and you try to calm me down. But um it was a little frustrating because I’m the last line of defense and like I said they were in our paint and the way how they were moving the ball.” The paint has been a persistent vulnerability for the Lakers. Ayton struggled on the defensive glass, posting a career-low 18.7% defensive rebounding rate. Even with these mixed signals, the Lakers still stepped onto the court brimming with confidence, perhaps underestimating the Hawks and the challenges that awaited them. He also praised the Hawks’ unique style of play: “The centers were even driving the ball and the guards cutting. It was the other way around. So, you know, they’re pretty unique in how they were playing. They were running around, doing a lot of cutting and a lot of rebounding. They really wanted that game and it was really the second half that got them the dog.” The third quarter turned into a nightmare for the Lakers. Early on, Ayton and LaRavia helped shrink Atlanta’s lead to nine, but the Hawks quickly answered with a 7-0 spurt and two long-range shots, stretching their advantage to 20 with over seven minutes left. By the quarter’s end, the gap had swelled to 26. From there, the game was all but lost for the Lakers.

India's Top Six Cities See 26% Rise In New Office Supply, Pune Tops List: Vestian
Business

India's Top Six Cities See 26% Rise In New Office Supply, Pune Tops List: Vestian

India's top six cities witnessed a 26 per cent annual growth in new supply of office spaces during the September quarter to 16.1 million sq ft as developers look to encash strong demand of premium workspaces from global and domestic firms, according to Vestian.. US-based real estate consultant Vestian data showed that the new supply of office space was the highest in Pune at 3.70 million sq ft during the July-September period, an increase of 164 per cent from the year-ago period.. In Delhi-NCR, the new office supply increased 35 per cent to 3.10 million sq ft.. The fresh supply of office space in Chennai jumped 320 per cent to 2.1 million sq ft, while the supply doubled in Mumbai to 1.80 million sq ft.. However, Bengaluru, the biggest office market in India, witnessed a 6 per cent drop in new office supply to 3.40 million sq ft.. In Hyderabad, too, the new supply fell 51 per cent to 2 million sq ft during July-September period of this calendar year.. Interestingly, Kolkata, the seventh major cities tracked by Vestian, saw no fresh supply of office space during the latest September quarter.. Vestian CEO Shrinivas Rao said, 'The third quarter of 2025 reported the highest absorption of the current year, primarily driven by GCCs (global capability centres). This robust demand kept the office market buoyant amid global trade uncertainties and geopolitical tensions.' He noted that construction activity also gained momentum, with significant supply additions across key markets.. 'Robust absorption, healthy supply, and a diversified occupier base are expected to drive the next wave of growth in the coming quarters. H-1B visa restrictions may further amplify the demand for offices in India as more and more GCCs expand their footprint in India,' Rao said.. According to Vestian, the leasing or absorption of office space rose 6 per cent to 19.69 million sq ft during July-September period of 2025 across seven major cities in the country.. Major developers who are constructing office spaces include DLF Ltd, Tata Realty & Infrastructure, Hiranandani Group, Embassy Group, Prestige Estates, Sattva Group, and RMZ Group.. There are four listed Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) that are backed by rent-yielding office assets. They have a huge portfolio of office assets and are also expanding through both greenfield and brownfield routes.. The four listed REITs are Sattva-Blackstone backed Knowledge Realty Trust, Embassy Office Parks REIT, K Raheja-backed Mindspace Business Parks REIT, and Brookfield India Real Estate Trust.